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British Prime Minister Theresa May speaks about the suicide bombing at the Manchester Arena outside 10 Downing Street in London, May 23, 2017. (Photo: Reuters)

British Prime Minister Theresa May speaks about the suicide bombing at the Manchester Arena outside 10 Downing Street in London, May 23, 2017. (Photo: Reuters)

One of my favorite charts shows how nations achieve great results when they engage in multi-year periods of spending restraint.

The most important benefit is that the burden of government shrinks relative to the private sector, but it’s also worth noting that the symptom of red ink begins to disappear when there is a serious effort to deal with the underlying disease of excessive spending.

golden-rule-examples

Source: IMF World Economic Outlook database.

But sharing this chart also a bittersweet experience since it shows – in almost all cases – that it is just a matter of time before politicians go back to fiscal profligacy.

This is why I’m a huge fan of a permanent spending cap, ideally as part of a nation’s constitution.  Jurisdictions that have adopted this approach, such as Hong Kong and Switzerland, have very strong long-run fiscal performance rather than just temporary blips of good policy.

At the risk of understatement, it’s increasingly obvious that the United Kingdom needs this kind of permanent structural reform.

As you can see from this chart I shared back in February, there’s been some decent spending restraint in that country ever since 2010.

Let’s augment those numbers.

I pulled together the data on government spending from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the UK government. They all have slightly different methodologies with slightly different numbers, but they all tell the same story.

Since 2010, the burden of government spending has expanded by an average of about 1.6 percent annually. Spending is still growing, needless to say, but the private sector has been growing faster, so British policymakers have been satisfying my golden rule.

And because the productive sector of the economy has grown faster than government, this means that relative burden of spending has declined. Which is exactly what we see in this chart.

That’s the good news.

The bad news is that politicians are tired of being responsible. They are salivating at the prospect of a new spending binge. Even Tory politicians now want to play Santa with other people’s money.

The U.K.-based Times has some of the unpleasant details.

Ministers are pushing to delay or abandon a series of tax cuts to fund an increase in public sector pay, The Times has learnt. Philip Hammond, the chancellor, is being urged to scrap commitments to reduce corporation tax and raise the thresholds for the personal allowance and the 40 per cent income tax rate. …At a meeting of the political cabinet last week, Jeremy Hunt, the health secretary, Justine Greening, the education secretary, and Sir Patrick McLoughlin, the party chairman, are understood to have called for more money for public sector workers.

Opening the spending spigot would be a terrible mistake. Especially to finance higher pay for bureaucrats.

The Wall Street Journal recently opined on this new threat to fiscal responsibility on the other side of the Atlantic.

…the Prime Minister’s Tories now want to abandon their claim to fiscal discipline. Rather than blame a feckless campaign, wobbly Tory leaders have decided that voters are exhausted with “austerity” and government employees are happy to step in with spending demands. Those government workers and their patrons in the opposition Labour Party are demanding an end to the 1% annual pay-rise cap imposed by former Prime Minister David Cameron and Chancellor George Osborne in 2013 after several years of pay freezes.

Even worse, they want to cancel tax cuts and/or impose tax hikes to finance more money for the bureaucracy.

…cabinet grandees Boris Johnson and Michael Gove…seem willing to pay for it by reducing scheduled corporate tax-rate cuts or increasing individual taxes by reducing the threshold at which the second-highest 40% rate applies.

You won’t be surprised to learn that British bureaucrats are not underpaid compared to workers in the economy’s productive sector.

Britain’s government workers aren’t suffering from a pay crisis compared to their peers in the private (that is, productive) economy. For most of the period since 2000, average weekly nominal earnings for public employees have exceeded the private average, according to the Office for National Statistics. And that excludes government pensions that are far more generous than what most private employees enjoy. Government workers were also shielded from the worst of the post-2008 downturn. The 1% cap amounted to steady nominal wage growth while private wages fell sharply…. Government workers were also spared the worst of the job cuts private employers imposed. …The 1% nominal pay cap mainly has given private workers an opportunity to catch up to government pay. …Voters are frustrated by an economic recovery that has largely failed to deliver inflation-adjusted earnings growth. But the solution isn’t to further stifle wage growth in the private economy by raising taxes to benefit public employees.

Tim Worstall also explains that the bureaucracy is not suffering from a lack of compensation.

We’ve just had a massive recession and thus we are indeed worse off. That’s what a recession is all about. So the question should be: are we all sharing that pain? We are not. Public sector pay has fallen by less than private. The people paying the tax have suffered more than those who eat the tax – hardly a good argument in favour of tax-eater pay rises. …It is also true, as the IFS points out, that public sector pay rose substantially in the 2000 to 2005 period. Pay rose more and then pay fell less. I simply can’t see an argument for a public sector pay rise or the lifting of that cap here.

My colleague at the Cato Institute, Ryan Bourne, is a citizen of the United Kingdom, and he points out that one of the problems is that bureaucrat pay levels are determined nationally, which makes no sense when the cost of living varies widely across the country.

….they should phase out national pay bargaining where it remains in the public sector. Previous research by Allison Wolf has shown the high cost of having national pay scales and bargaining. …Poorer regions…suffer as very high pay relative to the private sector crowds out private sector growth.

Ryan explains that Sweden successfully adopted this reform.

Sweden shows the solution. There, collective bargaining was entirely replaced by individual contracts between staff and their local public sector employer, with little fuss. If applied here, managers would then have genuine flexibility in the creation of new posts. It would liberate them to set pay to reflect more accurately local conditions, while varying wages to fulfil difficult positions.

Of course, the ideal situation would be genuine federalism, with local communities raising their own funds and then deciding how lavishly to compensate the bureaucrats they hire. The U.K. actually took a baby step in that direction years ago by giving greater autonomy to Scotland.

I’ll close with a rather depressing observation. It was only two months ago that I suggested Tories might be poised to make big policy improvements in the United Kingdom. Now it appears that they’ll be competing with the Labour Party on how to spend other people’s money. The great Margaret Thatcher is probably spinning in her grave.

Since 2010, government spending in the United

Pedestrians walk past the International Monetary Fund (IMF) headquarters’ complex in Washington Sunday, May 2, 2010. (Photo: AP)

Pedestrians walk past the International Monetary Fund (IMF) headquarters’ complex in Washington Sunday, May 2, 2010. (Photo: AP)

As a general rule, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is a statist organization. Which shouldn’t be too surprising since its key “shareholders” are the world’s major governments.

And when you realize who controls the purse strings, it’s no surprise to learn that the bureaucracy is a persistent advocate of higher tax burdens and bigger government. Especially when the IMF’s politicized and leftist (and tax-free) leadership dictates the organization’s agenda.

Which explains why I’ve referred to that bureaucracy as a “dumpster fire of the global economy” and the “Dr. Kevorkian of global economic policy.”

I always make sure to point out, however, that there are some decent economists who work for the IMF and that they occasionally are allowed to produce good research. I’ve favorably cited the bureaucracy’s work on spending caps, for instance.

But what amuses me is when the IMF tries to promote bad policy and accidentally gives me powerful evidence for good policy. That happened in 2012, for example, when it produced some very persuasive data showing that value-added taxes are money machines to finance a bigger burden of government.

Well, it’s happened again, though this time the bureaucrats inadvertently just issued some research that makes the case for the Laffer Curve and lower corporate tax rates.

Though I can assure you that wasn’t the intention. Indeed, the article was written as part of the IMF’s battle against tax competition. As you can see from these excerpts, the authors clearly seem to favor higher tax burdens on business and want to cartelize the global economy for the benefit of the political class.

…what’s the problem when it comes to governments competing to attract investors through the tax treatment they provide? The trouble is…competing with one another and eroding each other’s revenues…countries end up having to…reduce much-needed public spending… All this has serious implications for developing countries because they are especially reliant on the corporate income tax for revenues. The risk that tax competition will pressure them into tax policies that endanger this key revenue source is therefore particularly worrisome. …international mobility means that activities are much more responsive to taxation from a national perspective… This is especially true of the activities and incomes of multinationals. Multinationals can manipulate transfer prices and use other avoidance devices to shift their profits from high tax countries to low, and they can choose in which country to invest. But they can’t shift their profits, or their real investments, to another planet. When countries compete for corporate tax base and/or real investments they do so at the expense of others—who are doing the same.

Here’s the data that most concerns the bureaucrats, though they presumably meant to point out that corporate tax rates have fallen by 20 percentage points, not by 20 percent.

Headline corporate income tax rates have plummeted since 1980, by an average of almost 20 percent. …it is a telling sign of international tax competition at work, which closer empirical work tends to confirm.

But here’s the accidental admission that immediately caught my eye. The authors admit that lower corporate tax rates have not resulted in lower revenue.

…revenues have remained steady so far in developing countries and increased in advanced economies.

And this wasn’t a typo or sloppy writing. Here are two charts that were included with the article. The first one shows that revenues (the red line) have climbed in the industrialized world as the average corporate tax rate (the blue line) has plummeted.

This may not be as dramatic as what happened when Reagan reduced tax rates on investors, entrepreneurs, and other upper-income taxpayers in the 1980, but it’s still a very dramatic and powerful example of the Laffer Curve in action.

And even in the developing world, we see that revenues (red line) have stayed stable in spite of – or perhaps because of – huge reductions in average corporate tax rates (blue line).

These findings are not very surprising for those of us who have been arguing in favor of lower corporate tax rates.

But it’s astounding that the IMF published this data, especially as part of an article that is trying to promote higher tax burdens.

It’s as if a prosecutor in a major trial says a defendant is guilty and then spends most of the trial producing exculpatory evidence.

I have no idea how this managed to make its way through the editing process at the IMF. Wasn’t there an intern involved in the proofreading process, someone who could have warned, “Umm, guys, you’re actually giving Dan Mitchell some powerful data in favor of lower tax burdens”?

In any event, I look forward to repeatedly writing “even the IMF agrees” when pontificating in the future about the Laffer Curve and the benefits of lower corporate tax rates.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is generally a

Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., speaks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, May 10, 2017. (Photo: AP)

Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., speaks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, May 10, 2017. (Photo: AP)

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kty., said the Senate will table health care until Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., recovers from surgery.

“While John is recovering, the Senate will continue to our work on legislation items and nominations, and will defer consideration of the Better Care Act,” McConnell said in a statement.

Doctors advised the 80-year-old senator to remain in Arizona for the week after a nearly 2-inch blood clot was removed from his left eye on Friday. The Mayo Clinic said it was a “minimally invasive” procedure that went “very well.”

With a slim 52-48 majority, Republicans can only afford to lose two votes. With Sen. Rand Paul, R-Kty., and Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine., already declaring they are opposed to the bill, the GOP needs Sen. McCain’s vote.

Vice President Pence would break a tie for final passage.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kty., said

The U.S. flag is displayed at Tesoro's Los Angeles oil refinery in Los Angeles, California. (Photo: Reuters)

The U.S. flag is displayed at Tesoro’s Los Angeles oil refinery in Los Angeles, California. (Photo: Reuters)

U.S. oil production is booming and recent analysis projects the nation is on its way to becoming a top 10 oil exporter by the year 2020. The American energy revival is driven in large part by shale production and expected changes in government policy, analysts say.

The International Energy Agency forecasts U.S. crude production to grow by 780,000 barrels per day in 2018 and the U.S. Energy Information Administration said it surpassed 9 million barrels a day in February.

PIRA Energy Group estimates U.S. crude exports to grow by a factor of four from 2016 to 2020, up to 2.25 million barrels a day.

“In the years ahead, these developments position the U.S. to potentially be one of the 10 largest exporters of crude oil in the world,” wrote analyst Jenna Delaney.

That would put the U.S. on par with the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, though still short of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom sends 7.5 million barrels abroad each day, topping the list of exporters in 2016.

Nevertheless, the increased share of the market will put a strain on Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), which together exported an average of 25 million barrels a day last year.

Saudi’s foreign exchange reserves for May released last week show a decline of only $1.23 billion, with the 3-month drain rate easing to only $5.02 billion.

The Platts Top 250 Global Energy Company Rankings show U.S. producers dominating global energy companies, a remarkable change that began in 2016. The U.S. had all but conceded the oil exporting business to OPEC since restrictions were put in place in 1975.

Prior to that, the U.S. had been the top exporter for most of the period following World War II.

The Baker Hughes North American rig count released on Friday came in at a higher-than-expected 1,143 for the week ending July 14, up 16 rigs. It’s a return to normal after last week posted the first decline in 10 weeks.

While the U.S. rig count was unchanged for the week at 952, it more than doubled since 2016. It’s up 505 rigs from last year during the same period.

U.S. oil production is booming and recent

An offshore oil platform is seen in Huntington Beach, California September 28, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

An offshore oil platform is seen in Huntington Beach, California September 28, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

The Baker Hughes North American rig count came in higher than expected for the week ending July 14, up 16 rigs to 1,143. It’s a return to ascension after last week posted the first decline in 10 weeks.

There was a big swing in the Canadian count, while the U.S. rig count was unchanged for the week at 952. However, that’s up 505 rigs from last year during this period. The Canadian count is up 16 rigs to 191 and up 96 rigs from last year.

U.S. rigs were awash, with those classified as drilling for oil being up 2 to 765, while gas rigs are down 2 to 187. For the Canadian count, oil rigs are up 1 to 106 and gas rigs are up 15 to 85.

Meanwhile, crude prices fell again in June, with Dated Brent dropping below $50.

The Baker Hughes North American rig count

A Snapchat sign hangs on the facade of the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) in New York City, U.S., January 23, 2017. (Photo: Reuters)

A Snapchat sign hangs on the facade of the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) in New York City, U.S., January 23, 2017. (Photo: Reuters)

The Dow Jones Industrial Average (INDEXDJX:.DJI) on Friday closed up 84.65 points, or 0.39% to reach a new record high of 21,637.74. The week’s final session marked the third straight day the Dow closed at record highs and the 25th record-breaking session since the election of President Donald J. Trump.

The Dow also reached an intraday high of 21,681.53, with all but five Dow stocks closing in positive territory. Wal-Mart Stores Inc (NYSE:WMT), closing at $76.34 a share, led the way posting a 1.72% gain.

The Nasdaq Composite (INDEXNASDAQ:.IXIC) closed up 38.03 points, or 0.61% to 6,312.47. As of Thursday, the index had posted a 14.1% gain over the last since months marks the strongest performance since 2009, the year after the financial crisis came to an end.

The Nasdaq was up 2.6% for the week, marking its best week of the year.

The S&P 500 (INDEXSP:.INX) closed up 11.44 points to 2,459.27, or 0.47%. It notched a new intra-day high on Friday, hitting 2,463.54 before settling slightly lower.

As of Thursday, the S&P had risen 8.2% over the last six months, the best first-half performance since 2013. It posted a 1.4% gain for the week.

The Dow Jones Industrial Average (INDEXDJX:.DJI) on

A worker stacks boxes of television sets after they have been assembled, checked and repackaged, before moving them to the warehouse at Element Electronics in Winnsboro, South Carolina May 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A worker stacks boxes of television sets after they have been assembled, checked and repackaged, before moving them to the warehouse at Element Electronics in Winnsboro, South Carolina May 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

U.S. industrial production came in at 0.4% in June, slightly higher than the 0.3% median forecast and much higher than the 0.1% in May.

Mining continued to gain in June, with output rising 1.6% in June and 9.9% year-over-year. Mining has been strong for five months this year and for the last three straight. Utilities were unchanged at -2.2%.

Manufacturing, which represents the vast majority of the industrial sector in the U.S. and industrial production gauge, unexpectedly gained 0.2%. Factory output breakdowns show widespread strength, with vehicles gaining 0.7% and selected hi-tech up 0.8%.

The June gain in Manufacturing follows a 0.4% decline in May and 1.0 surge in April, which essentially offset the 0.8% decline in March.

But both consumer goods and business equipment were flat, though year-over-year they’re up 0.3% and 0.8%, respectively.

U.S. industrial production came in at 0.4%

A worker stacks boxes of television sets after they have been assembled, checked and repackaged, before moving them to the warehouse at Element Electronics in Winnsboro, South Carolina May 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A worker stacks boxes of television sets after they have been assembled, checked and repackaged, before moving them to the warehouse at Element Electronics in Winnsboro, South Carolina May 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

The U.S. Census Bureau said Friday manufacturing and trade business inventories were $1,859.7 billion in May, up 0.3% from April 2017. With a ±0.1 percent margin, they were up 2.4% from May 2016.

Wholesalers also built up inventories in May, including a 0.4% with manufacturers. That pulled down their inventories by 0.1% and total business inventories/sales ratio based on seasonally adjusted data was 1.38, down from 1.41 in May 2016.

Business inventories at auto dealers shot up 1.1% in May, increasing the overall retail component by 0.5%.

The U.S. Census Bureau said Friday manufacturing

A shopper walks down an aisle in a newly opened Walmart Neighborhood Market in Chicago in this September 21, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

A shopper walks down an aisle in a newly opened Walmart Neighborhood Market in Chicago in this September 21, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

The Survey of Consumers, a closely-watched gauge of consumer sentiment, missed the preliminary 95.1 forecast in July coming in at 93.1.

“To be sure, the data do not suggest an impending recession,” said Surveys of Consumers chief economist, Richard Curtin. “Rather, the data indicate that hopes for a prolonged period of 3% GDP growth sparked by Trump’s victory have largely vanished, aside from a temporary snap back expected in the 2nd quarter.”

Mr. Curtain indicated the declines in the Survey of Consumers indicate just above 2% GDP growth in 2017. Overall, the data indicate an annual gain of 2.4% in personal consumption during 2017.

“Much steeper declines in expectations typically precede recessions,” he added.

The Current Economic Conditions, at 113.2, is still riding the post-election high. However, the Index of Consumer Expectations has fallen to just 80.2, 10.1 Index points below its January 2017 peak.

The data indicate the inaction of the Republican Congress have snuffed out the optimism among their own voters. While Democrats have held a much less favorable view on future economic conditions since the election, Republicans fell to 108.9 in July.

That’s down from June’s 116.0 and February’s 120.1.

Democrats actually improved slightly to 63.2 in July, up from June’s 62.0 in June and 55.5 in February.

The Survey of Consumers, a closely-watched gauge

Consumer Price Index (CPI) Graphic

Consumer Price Index (CPI) Graphic

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) has seen one of the weakest 4-month periods in 60 years of data released by the Labor Department. Overall, consumer prices were unchanged in June and the so-called core index, which excludes food and energy, rose by just 0.1%.

The shelter index rose 0.2% in June, with the indexes for rent and owners’ equivalent rent both rising 0.3%. The index for lodging away from home fell 1.9%.

But the drag was largely due to the energy index, which fell 1.6% in June after declining 2.7% in May. The gasoline index also continued to fall, shedding 2.8% in June after a 6.4% decrease in May.

The other energy component indexes also declined in June, including a 0.6% decline in the electricity index and 0.2% decline in the index for natural gas. The gasoline index fell 0.4% over the past 12 months, while the other major energy components have gained over the same time period.

The index for natural gas increased 12.8% over the last year, and the electricity index gained 2.5%.

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) has seen

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