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Ted-Cruz-Wisconsin-Victory-Speech

Texas Sen. Ted Cruz gives his victory speech in Milwaukee, Wisconsin on Tuesday April 5, 2016. (Photo: Reuters/Kamil Krzaczynski)

It’s one thing to be upset with the so-called Republican establishment for failing to stand up to Barack Obama and his destructive policies, but it’s another for a GOP presidential candidate to exploit that anger illegitimately against a fellow anti-establishment candidate.

Many of us have been critical of the GOP leadership for opposing conservatives in GOP primaries, not backing conservatives in office trying to do the right thing, always advising that Republicans dilute their message to attract independent voters and not sufficiently recognizing the threat President Obama represents to this nation and opposing his agenda.

From the beginning, grass-roots conservatives, based on abundant warning signs, warned that Obama would be an extremely progressive president, and we were right. Despite Obama’s empty promise to be bipartisan and conciliatory, we knew what a rabid partisan he would be. We took him seriously when he announced he would fundamentally transform America, and he has done just that, probably even more than we feared.

I wrote two books chronicling Obama’s destructive agenda, and those were before the past two years, when he has been even worse — across the board. He has increased spending and taxes and refused to reform entitlements, thus doubling our national debt to exceedingly dangerous levels. He has deliberately downscaled our military, also to perilous levels. He has unilaterally pulled us back from the war on terror, being more concerned about not offending Muslims than with defending American citizens. He has chosen not to enforce our borders. He has systematically abused his executive authority, flouting the Constitution.

He has engaged in a war on conventional energy sources and promoted failed alternative energy sources. He has grossly expanded the administrative and regulatory state. He has orchestrated the corruption of the IRS and enabled the gunrunning operation “Fast and Furious.” He has engaged in a war on religious liberty, exclusively against Christians. He has precipitously withdrawn from Iraq, thus squandering our work and betraying our lost lives and treasure.

He has pushed a liberal social agenda, from increasing federal funding for abortion to ramrodding the legalization of same-sex marriage. He has led from behind in all aspects of foreign policy, alienating our allies, including Israel, and coddling our enemies — especially facilitating Iran’s quest to obtain nuclear weapons and fund global terrorism. He has reversed welfare reform and its progress in restoring the nuclear family and freeing people from its insidious clutches of dependency. He has severely damaged our health care system, and he has divided the nation more than any previous president along the lines of race, gender and income. And so much more.

I don’t want to write a third book on Obama, though he’s not finished doing his mischief. He would love, for example, to replace Justice Antonin Scalia with an activist liberal judge and issue more lawless executive orders granting benefits to people here illegally and promoting environmentalism. People have a right to be very upset, not just with Obama but with the GOP establishment for not doing enough to stop him.

Though we must keep fighting Obama, we also must turn part of our focus away from him and toward electing the Republican candidate best-equipped to reverse the damage Obama has done, reignite economic growth, secure our defenses, rebuild our foreign alliances and stand for life and American families.

Seventeen candidates originally threw their hats into the ring for the Republican presidential nomination, and the field has narrowed to three, though the third — John Kasich — has no earthly chance and can only be considered as a spoiler or a brand builder or as positioning himself to be vice president.

Trump holds himself out as an outsider because he’s never held office before. Ted Cruz is an outsider, in the sense that he has openly battled the establishment elements of his own party since he came to the Senate.

Most GOP elected officials have still not endorsed either Trump or Cruz, but as much angst as establishment types have for Cruz, most fear Trump far more, not because he’s an outsider but because they think he could be a disastrous president.

Trump wants to establish himself as the sole outsider and is strenuously trying to paint Cruz as an insider, citing a few recent high-profile Republican endorsements and the effort of Mitt Romney and others to stop him. Trump supporters say Cruz has sold out to the establishment for these reasons and because he is the most likely beneficiary of the “Never Trump” movement.

Trump has also wrongly charged that Cruz colluded with the establishment to “steal” Colorado. In this way, Trump hopes to seal his claim to be the sole aggrieved outsider. He says that working together, they cheated and disenfranchised millions of voters.

Trump knows full well that Colorado wasn’t stolen and that he began there on a level playing field with Cruz, but he didn’t do the necessary groundwork to compete. But he also knows that his supporters will believe otherwise and become more entrenched if he cries foul loudly enough. He hopes to draw supporters away from Cruz and woo the undecided in upcoming states by leveraging these allegations in service to establishment/Cruz conspiracy theories.

Trump is now laying the groundwork to support the narrative that unless he is chosen at the convention, the nomination will have been stolen from him. Trump knows that long-standing rules require that a candidate win more than half the delegates, before or during the convention, yet he’s demanding, in essence, that the candidate with a plurality of delegates going in must be anointed, which has never been the case.

Many of us have been fighting the establishment for years, but let’s not lose our heads and make it the scapegoat for everything, including the claims that it is stealing votes and disenfranchising voters. Trump is pursuing a reckless path, because he is inflaming the passions of people who are already fit to be tied, partially for legitimate reasons. He is setting the table for post-convention antipathy, which would inhibit reunification of the party should Cruz get the nomination — and even if Trump were to get it.

If there were actual cheating going on, I would decry it from the highest mountain, but it is just as wrong to allege cheating when it isn’t occurring for your own political benefit. Could we please dispense with these ridiculous allegations and get on with this process without further enraging the voters?

David Limbaugh argues that Ted Cruz is

Hillary-Clinton-Bernie-Sanders-Getty

Democratic presidential candidates Hillary Clinton, left, and Vermont socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders, right. (Photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images; Joshua Lott/Getty Images)

If you follow the contest between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders, most of the tax discussion is about who has the best plan to squeeze the rich with ever-higher tax rates.

For those motivated by spite and envy, Bernie Sanders “wins” that debate since he wants bigger increases in the tax rates on investors, entrepreneurs, business owners, and other upper-income taxpayers.

For those of us who don’t earn enough to be affected by changes in the top tax rates, this may not seem to be a relevant discussion. Some of us like the idea of higher tax rates on our well-to-do neighbors because we expect to get a slice of the loot and we think it’s morally okay to use government to take other people’s money. Others of us don’t like those higher rates because we don’t resent success and we also worry about the likely impact on incentives to create jobs and wealth.

But all of us are making a mistake if we think that the policy proposals from Bernie and Hillary won’t mean higher taxes on ordinary Americans.

Here are three basic proposition to help explain why lower-income and middle-income taxpayers are the ones who face the biggest threat.

  1. Hillary and Bernie want government to be much bigger, because of both built-in expansions of entitlements and a plethora of new handouts and subsidies.
  2. There’s not much ability to squeeze more money from the “rich” and America already has the developed world’s most “progressive” tax system.
  3. The only practical way to finance bigger government is with big tax hikes on the middle class, both with higher income taxes and a value-added tax.

There’s not really any controversy about the first proposition. We know the two Democratic candidates are opposed to genuine entitlement reform, so that means the burden of government spending automatically will climb in coming decades. And we also know that Hillary and Bernie also want to create new programs and additional spending commitments, with the only real difference being that Bernie wants government to expand at a faster rate.

So let’s look at my second proposition, which may strike some people as implausible, particularly the assertion that America has the most “progressive” tax system. After all, don’t European nations impose higher tax rates on the “rich” than the United States?

Yes and no, but first let’s deal with the issue of whether the rich are a never-ending spigot of tax revenue. The most important thing to understand is that there’s a huge difference between tax rates and tax revenue. If you don’t believe me, simply look at the IRS data from the 1980s, which shows that upper-income taxpayers paid far more to Uncle Sam at a 28 percent tax rate in 1988 than they paid at a 70 percent tax rate in 1980.

And keep in mind that there are incredibly simple – and totally legal – steps that well-to-do taxpayers can take to dramatically lower their tax exposure.

The bottom line is that high tax rates penalize productive behavior and encourage inefficient tax planning, the net effect being that higher tax rates won’t translate into higher revenue.

Moreover, as shown by a different set of IRS data, the American tax system already is heavily biased against the so-called rich. Even when compared with other countries. There are some nations that impose higher top tax rates than America, to be sure, but that’s only part of the story. The “progressivity” of a tax system is based on what share of the burden is paid by the rich.

And if you look at this data from the Tax Foundation, particularly the two measures of progressivity in columns 1 and 3, you can see that the United States gets a greater share of taxes from the rich than any other developed nation.

By the way, the data is from the middle of last decade, so the numbers are probably different today. But since we’ve taken more people off the tax rolls in the past 10 years in America while also increasing tax rates on upper-income households, I would be shocked if the United States didn’t still have the most “progressive” tax code.

In any event, the most important takeaway from the Tax Foundation data is that America has the most “progressive” tax system not because we impose the highest tax rates on the rich, but rather for the simple reason that the tax burden on lower-income and middle-income taxpayers is comparatively mild.

In other words, the tax burden on the rich in America is not particularly unusual. Some nations impose higher tax rates and some countries impose lower tax rates. But because other taxpayers in the U.S. pay very low effective tax rates, that’s why the overall tax code in the United States is so tilted against the rich.

Which brings us to the third proposition about the middle class being the main target of Hillary and Bernie.

Simply stated, the only practical way of financing bigger government is by raising the tax burden on lower-income and middle-income Americans. As already explained, there’s not much leeway to generate more tax revenue from the “rich.”

In other words, the rest of us have a bulls-eye painted on our backs. Our tax burden is relatively low by world standards and there are simple and effective ways that politicians could grab more of our income.

Let’s look at some of the details. The folks at the Pew Research Group crunched the data for 39 developed nations to compare tax burdens for various types of middle-income households. As you can see, taxpayers in the United States are relatively fortunate, particularly if they have kids.

Here are some excerpts from the article.

…most research has concluded that, at least among developed nations, the U.S. is on the low end of the range.  We looked at 2014 data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s database of benefits, taxes and wages, which has standardized data from 39 countries going back to 2001 and allows comparisons across different family types. …We calculated this for four different family types: a single employed person with no children; two married couples with two children, one with both parents working and the other with one worker; and a single working parent. In all cases, the U.S. was below the 39-nation average – in some cases, well below. …Much of the difference in relative tax burdens among different countries is due to the taxes that fund social-insurance programs, such as Social Security and Medicare in the U.S. These taxes tend to be higher in other developed nations than they are in the U.S.

And here’s the most shocking part of the article. The aforementioned data only considers income taxes and payroll taxes.

…the OECD data don’t include…other national taxes, such as…value-added taxes.

This is a huge omission. The average VAT in Europe is now 21 percent, so the actual tax burden on taxpayers in other nations is actually much higher than shown in the chart prepared by Pew.

Let’s look at the scorecard.

  • Non-rich Europeans pay higher income tax rates.
  • Non-rich Europeans pay higher payroll taxes.
  • Non-rich Europeans pay the value-added tax.

And because all these taxes on lower-income and middle-income people are the only effective and realistic way to finance European-sized government, this is the future Hillary and Bernie want for America. Even though they won’t admit it.

P.S. I can’t resist pointing out that the countries most admired by Bernie Sanders, Denmark and Sweden, both have tax systems that are far less “progressive” than the United States according to the Tax Foundation data. And the reason for that relative lack of progressivity is because of a giant fiscal burden on lower-income and middle-income taxpayers. And that’s what will happen in the United States if entitlements aren’t reformed.

P.P.S. Since I’m a fan of the flat tax, does that mean I like the countries with lower scores in column 3 of the Tax Foundation table? Yes and no. A lower score obviously means that a nation’s tax code isn’t biased against successful taxpayers, but it’s also important to look at the overall size of the public sector. Sweden’s tax system isn’t very progressive, for instance, but everyone pays a lot because of a bloated government. It’s far better to be in Switzerland, which has the right combination of a modest-sized government and a non-discriminatory tax regime.

[mybooktable book=”global-tax-revolution-the-rise-of-tax-competition-and-the-battle-to-defend-it” display=”summary” buybutton_shadowbox=”true”]

CATO economist Dan Mitchell gives three simple

consumer-Reuters

Consumer compares food prices at the supermarket. (Photo: Reuters)

The Labor Department said on Thursday its Consumer Price Index (CPI) increased by just 0.1% in March, missing the median economist forecast for a 0.2% gain. The CPI, which gauges prices at the consumer level, is the latest piece of data to support the Federal Reserve’s fears that underlying inflation slowed.

Excluding the volatile food and energy components, prices were also 0.1% higher, compared to expectations for a 0.2% gain. In the 12 months through March, the CPI increased 0.9% after advancing 1.0% in February. In the 12 months through March, the core CPI gained 2.2% after increasing by 2.3% in February.

The Fed has a 2% inflation target relating to the timing and trajectory of interest rate hikes. However, Fed Chair Janet Yellen tracks an inflation measure which is running below the core CPI.

Gasoline prices rose 2.2% in March after tanking by 13.0% in February, while food prices allegedly fell 0.2% last month. The cost of food just posted its largest decline since April 2009.

The Labor Department said on Thursday its

unemployment-benefits

Weekly jobless claims, or first-time claims for unemployment benefits reported by the Labor Department.

The Labor Department said Thursday that weekly jobless claims, the number filing first-time applications for unemployment benefits fell by 13,000 to 253,000 for the week ending April 9. The number of applications came in lower than the estimate for 270,000, while the prior week was revised lower by 1,000 to 266,000.

The four-week moving average–which is widely considered a better gauge, as it irons-out week-to-week volatility–fell to 265,000, a decrease of 1,500. The previous week’s average was revised down by 250 from 266,750 to 266,500.

A Labor Department analyst said there were no special factors impacting this week’s initial claims and no state was triggered “on” the Extended Benefits program during the week ending March 26.

While the report marks 58 consecutive weeks of first-time unemployment claims coming in below 300,000, which is the longest streak since 1973, it is also true that the labor force is historically small and chronic long-term unemployment makes fewer Americans eligible.

The highest insured unemployment rates in the week ending March 26 were in Alaska (4.2), Wyoming (3.0), New Jersey (2.9), Puerto Rico (2.8), Connecticut (2.7), Pennsylvania (2.7), West Virginia (2.7), California (2.6), Montana (2.6), and Illinois (2.5).

The largest increases in initial claims for the week ending April 2 were in New York (+4,521), New Jersey (+3,836), Puerto Rico (+1,964), Virginia (+1,213), and Georgia (+981), while the largest decreases were in California (-7,118), Arkansas (-1,249), Texas (-934), Missouri (-705), and Iowa (-416).

Weekly jobless claims, the number filing first-time

Rev. Al Sharpton refused to apologize or “correct the record” for his role in pushing falsehoods, inciting violence and riots that broke out in Ferguson, Missouri. In an appearance on “The Kelly File” the: civil rights leader would not apologize for fueled anger using a false “hands up don’t shoot” narrative involving the shooting of Michael Brown by Darren Wilson.

Sharpton also weighed in on the presidential campaign. He supports Hillary Clinton for president and is helping her lock up the black vote in New York before the primary on Tuesday.

Rev. Al Sharpton refused to apologize or

Corey Lewandowski

Video released by Donald Trump, left, from Trump National Golf Club in Jupiter, Fla., where campaign manager Corey Lewandowski, right, was accused by then-Breitbart reporter Michelle Fields.

Corey Lewandowski, the campaign manager for Donald Trump, will not be charged with misdemeanor battery over allegations he grabbed the arm of a reporter. The campaign confirmed the initial report and Palm Beach County State Attorney David Aronberg is scheduled to formally announce on Thursday that he will drop the charge.

Mike Edmonson, executive assistant to the state attorney, denied leaking the information to the media on Wednesday. However, Mr. Edmonson added that the initial report that Mr. Lewandowski would not be prosecuted was “not incorrect.”

The alleged incident occurred after a press conference on March 8 at the Trump National Golf Club in Jupiter, Fla., where Mr. Lewandowski was accused by Michelle Fields, then a reporter for Breitbart News, of grabbing her arm “tightly” and nearly “yanking” her down to the ground as she asked the Republican front-runner a question.

“Trump acknowledged the question, but before he could answer I was jolted backwards,” Fields said. “Someone had grabbed me tightly by the arm and yanked me down. I almost fell to the ground, but was able to maintain my balance. Nonetheless, I was shaken.”

Lewandowski initially denied the incident had taken place, though footage released by Trump himself showed brief contact. So, why are they dropping the charges?

First, Ms. Fields failed to respond when Secret Service agents twice warned her she was beyond the point reporters are allowed to be with a pen in her hand. Second, Ms. Fields’ credibility is in doubt now that the footage shows the account did not transpire as she initially claimed, and wrote about. Third, the footage appears to show Mr. Lewandowski grabbing her jacket on her upper arm, not her lower forearm.

Ms. Fields, who tweeted out a picture of alleged bruises on her forearm, told Fox News’ Megyn Kelly in a “Kelly File” interview Wednesday night that she is planning to pursue a civil case against Lewandowski for defamation.

Corey Lewandowski, the campaign manager for Donald

Sherwin Williams HGTV

Credit: Sherwin Williams HGTV

They demand granite countertops. We don’t. They abhor 20-year-old kitchen cabinets. We don’t notice they’re 20 years old. They want his-and-her vanities in the master bath. We want to know, what exactly is a “vanity”?

Aha, it’s a sink. “Sink” is a bit downscale-sounding, don’t you think? That’s what the under-butler uses.

Most of the shelter media — and advertisers seeding our desire for better — portray the American dream house as big, new and soaring. Sturdy, neighborly and full of memories doesn’t sell “great rooms.”

Your author clearly prefers older houses. It’s a free country and all that, but shouldn’t there be more pushback to an American dream that promotes the tearing down of fine old American housing? Desirable neighborhoods across the country are watching gracious homes being leveled and replaced with 3,400-square-foot hulks for families of three-plus-dog.

By “old house,” we don’t mean just historically significant or ancient. True, houses from the 1600s still stand in parts of New England. The Spanish-built colonial masterpieces in Old San Juan, Puerto Rico, are a century older. Keeping one of these entails great responsibility and often expense.

But today an old house can be a 1926 bungalow in San Antonio or a 1953 midcentury in Palm Springs. Many are in convenient locations where land is scarce and the existing housing stock reflects a more modest American dream.

Now, stronger women than I cannot resist turning on HGTV for the occasional real estate fix. The aspirational home-buying/home improvement channel fascinates on both the practical and the sociological levels. Most of the house hunters want new and big. Even some who profess to like old-house charm crumble at the imagined indignity of having a tub that doubles as a shower.

One observes a definite preference for open floor plans featuring a large islanded kitchen looking over a vast family room.

Old-house people, on the other hand, can appreciate kitchens with a swinging door leading into (can you take it?) a formal dining room. The thinking goes that if dinner involves more than popping containers into the microwave, the cooking battlefield might best be hidden from diners.

An “en suite” bath is now a basic requirement. That’s a bathroom that opens only to the master bedroom.

And many of the new master bedroom suites would put the sleeping area of Lord and Lady Grantham to shame, though spacewise only. Some have walk-in closets bigger than a lady’s maid’s bedroom.

Speaking of which, could you imagine the Granthams complaining that the antiquated bookshelves looked dated? And do note how the Granthams managed to make their library do triple duty as library, family room and media room.

Open floor plans have a venerable history as executed in the best midcentury architecture. But these spaces flowed gracefully. They weren’t airplane hangars, cavernous and impersonal.

In defense of HGTV, the channel does offer smart renovation programs. It even has a small-house series. And the handsome and witty Property Brothers are divine.

But, Jonathan and Drew, even you couldn’t make that foreclosed-upon ode to grandiosity in Las Vegas less than ghastly. Everything you could see was fancy; everything you could not was crappy.

But out of failure comes inspiration. Here’s a new hit show for you Scott boys, back-of-the-envelope title: “Tearless Teardowns.”

Every episode, you tear down one of those new monstrosities and put in its place a home of appropriate scale and superior quality. In Las Vegas, for example, you could have hired a couple of Girl Scouts with hammers to destroy those cheap thin walls.

And just imagine the graceful hacienda in the traditional Southwest style you could have put there. We old-house people can dream, can’t we?

The aspirational home-buying/home improvement channel HGTV fascinates

Barack Obama Chris Wallace Fox News Sunday

President Obama sits down for an interview with Chris Wallace in his first Fox News Sunday appearance since being elected president.

President Barack Obama’s recent remarks to my Fox News colleague Chris Wallace about Hillary Clinton’s email issues were either Machiavellian or dumb. It is difficult to tell from them whether he wants the mountain of evidence of her criminal behavior presented to a federal grand jury or he wants her to succeed him in the White House.
He cannot have both.

His efforts to minimize his former secretary of state’s diversion of emails from government-secured servers to her own non-secure home server by calling it “careless” may actually harm her in the eyes of the public or even serve as a dog whistle to the FBI. That’s because carelessness is a species of negligence, and espionage, which is the failure to safeguard state secrets by removing them from their proper place of custody, is the rare federal crime that can be proved by negligence — to be precise, gross negligence.

Gross negligence is the failure to perform a high legal duty with the great probability of an improper result — for example, driving a car 90 miles per hour in New York’s Times Square. The high legal duty Clinton had was to safeguard state secrets; the improper result is the exposure of those secrets contained in her emails.
What did she do that was criminal, and who was harmed by her behavior?

Clinton knowingly diverted all of her governmental emails from secure government servers to her own non-secure server in her New York residence. Among the 60,000 emails she diverted were 2,200 that contained state secrets. Because the essence of espionage is the removal of secrets to non-secure venues, the crime is complete upon removal.

So Obama’s statement in the Wallace interview that Clinton caused no harm is irrelevant. In espionage cases, the government need not prove that the defendant caused any harm.

Obama’s further effort in the Wallace interview to minimize the classification of secrets into the statutory categories of “confidential,” “secret” and “top secret” by snarkily commenting that “there’s classified and then there’s classified” is not what one would expect from someone who has sworn to take care that all federal laws are enforced.

Obama has interpreted that duty so as to permit his Department of Justice to prosecute for espionage both a sailor when he took a selfie inside a nuclear submarine and sent it to his girlfriend and a Marine lieutenant who correctly warned his superiors about an al-Qaida operative masquerading as an Afghan cop in an American encampment but mistakenly used his Gmail account to send the emergency warning.

The evidence of Clinton’s failure to safeguard state secrets is overwhelming because of the regularity of its occurrence. The evidence is well-grounded, as some of the secrets were too grave for the FBI to review and all came from her own server. And the evidence is sufficient to indict and to convict because it was obtained legally and shows a four-year pattern of regular, consistent, systematic violation of the laws requiring safeguarding.

Obama’s suggestion that some secrets were not really secret is also irrelevant, because Clinton, like the president, swore to recognize secrets and to keep them secret, no matter her opinion of them.

The FBI knows this and is taking it far more seriously than the president or Clinton.

Just last week, the team investigating Clinton sought and received the extradition to the U.S. of a man who was imprisoned in Romania for computer hacking. One of those he hacked is Clinton’s confidant Sid Blumenthal, to whom she sent many emails containing state secrets. What will the hacker tell the feds he saw?

Clinton’s surrogates began taking her legal plight seriously in the past few weeks by arguing that her behavior was no different from that of other former high-ranking executive branch officials who occasionally and accidentally took top-secret documents home or discussed top-secret information in non-secure emails and that the consequences for them were tepid or nonexistent.

Yet there is no comparison between these occasional lapses and the planned and paid-for four-year diversion of secrets that Clinton orchestrated. Moreover, there is no instance of unprosecuted behavior that her supporters can cite that involves the sheer volume and regularity of the failure to safeguard that we see here.

Though the government need not prove intent, there is substantial evidence of Clinton’s intent to commit espionage from three sources. One is Clinton’s email instructing an aide to remove the “secret” designation from a document and send it to her from one non-secure fax machine to another. The second is the Blumenthal hacking incidents, which occurred during her tenure as secretary of state and which did not stop her from emailing him from her home server. The third is a federal rule that permits the inference of intent from a pattern of bad behavior, of which there is ample evidence in this case.

On the same weekend that the president was damning Clinton with faint praise and cynically offering what he must have known were irrelevant legal defenses, Clinton continued her pattern of persistent public laughing about and dismissing the significance of the FBI investigation of her.

That attitude — which is recorded and documented by the FBI — must have caused many of those investigating her to conclude that she understands the predicament she is in but is minimizing it. Or she may be a congenital liar who is lying to herself. Either way, they await with eager anticipation their interrogation of her, should she foolishly submit to one.

President Barack Obama's recent remarks to my

producer-price-index-ppi

The Producer Price Index (PPI) reported by the Labor Department Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The Labor Department’s Producer Price Index (PPI) unexpectedly fell in March by 0.1% after slipping 0.2% in February, missing economists’ expectations. In the 12 months through March, the PPI fell 0.1% after remaining flat in the prior 12 months leading up to February.

Economists polled by Reuters had forecast the PPI increasing 0.2% last month and 0.3% on a year-over-year basis. The slip was fueled by rising energy prices being offset by a decreasing cost of services, which supports the Federal Reserve’s cautious plan to increasing interest rates.

The so-called core PPI–excluding food, energy and trade services–was up 0.9% in the 12 months through March after rising by the same percentage in February year-over-year. On a monthly basis, the core PPI increased by just 0.1% in February.

Table A. Monthly and 12-month percent changes in selected final demand price indexes, seasonally adjusted
Month Total
final
demand
Final
demand
less
foods,
energy,
and
trade
Final demand goods Final demand services Change
in final
demand
from 12
months
ago
(unadj.)
Change
in final
demand
less
foods,
energy,
and
trade
from 12
mo. ago
(unadj.)
Total Foods Energy Less
foods
and
energy
Total Trade Transportation
and
warehousing
Other

2015

Mar.

0.0 0.0 -0.1 -0.9 0.6 -0.1 0.1 0.2 -0.3 0.1 -0.9 0.7

Apr.

0.0 0.2 -0.5 -0.9 -2.1 0.1 0.2 0.0 -0.3 0.4 -1.1 0.8

May

0.5 0.0 1.2 1.1 5.7 0.1 0.0 0.2 -0.1 -0.1 -0.8 0.7

June

0.3 0.3 0.5 0.4 0.7 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.3 -0.5 0.8

July

0.1 0.1 -0.3 -0.8 -0.7 0.0 0.3 0.6 -0.1 0.1 -0.7 0.9

Aug.

-0.2 0.0 -0.5 0.2 -2.6 -0.2 -0.1 -0.4 -0.9 0.2 -1.0 0.6

Sept.

-0.5 -0.1 -1.0 -0.3 -5.3 0.0 -0.1 0.2 0.0 -0.2 -1.1 0.5

Oct.

-0.2 -0.2 -0.3 -0.7 -0.2 -0.3 -0.2 -0.2 -0.1 -0.1 -1.4 0.4

Nov.(1)

0.1 0.1 -0.1 -0.3 0.1 -0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 -1.3 0.2

Dec.(1)

0.0 0.2 -0.6 -0.9 -3.2 0.2 0.4 0.5 -0.6 0.4 -1.0 0.3

2016

Jan.

0.1 0.2 -0.7 1.0 -5.0 0.0 0.5 0.9 0.4 0.4 -0.2 0.8

Feb.

-0.2 0.1 -0.6 -0.3 -3.4 0.1 0.0 -0.4 -0.7 0.3 0.0 0.9

Mar.

-0.1 0.0 0.2 -0.9 1.8 0.1 -0.2 -0.5 -0.3 -0.1 -0.1 0.9

Footnotes
(1) Some of the figures shown above and elsewhere in this release may differ from those previously reported because data for November 2015 have been revised to reflect the availability of late reports and corrections by respondents.

The Labor Department's Producer Price Index (PPI)

holiday-retail-shopping-consumers

Consumers ready for holiday shopping, the busiest time of the year for retail outlets. (Photo: Reuters)

The Commerce Department reported U.S. retail sales fell by 0.3% in March largely fueled by weak auto sales, missing the median forecast for a 0.1% rise. Excluding the volatile auto component, retail sales increased by 0.2% juxtaposed to expectations for a 0.4% increase.

In March, U.S. auto sales fell by 2.1%, which is the largest decrease in a little more than a year. Auto sales were essentially unchanged in February. Americans are buying fewer automobiles this year after record purchases in the prior year. However, receipts at service stations continued to rise (by 0.9%) in March as gasoline prices increase, marking the largest gain since June.

The so-called core retail sales correspond most closely with the consumer spending component of gross domestic product. Analysts had forecast the core retail sales component to rise 0.3% in March.

The report released on Wednesday is the latest piece of economic evidence that growth in the U.S. stumbled in the first quarter.

The Commerce Department reported U.S. retail sales

People's Pundit Daily
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