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The Mets after their sweep of the Cubs in the National League Championship Series. Game 1 of the World Series is Tuesday. (Photo: Elsa/Getty Images)

The New York Mets swept the Pennant against Chicago Cubs in the National League Championship Series to advance to the World Series for the first time since 2000. The Mets topped the Cubs 8-3 at Wrigley Field, and will face either Kansas City Royals or the Toronto Blue Jays for Game 1 of the World Series on Tuesday.

“This is a long time coming,” said David Wright, the team captain, who signed with the Mets at age 17, in 2001. “I’m glad that I got a chance to kind of experience some of the misery with them along this road, because that champagne tastes a lot sweeter having gone through that, let me tell you.”

The Mets came out the gate with four runs in the first inning against Jason Hammel. Lucas Duda had been struggling in the series prior, but smacked a two-out, three-run homer to give New York an early lead for the fourth straight game. Duda helped send the Mets to their first World Series at Citi Field, which opened in 2009, with 5 runs batted in (RBI).

Travis d’Arnaud followed with a solo home run, and Daniel Murphy continued to shine in the postseason. Murphy, who only hit 14 homers all season, homered for the sixth game in a row and set a new major league postseason record. He had four hits in Game 4 on Wednesday and smashed four home runs while batting .529 in the series.

However, Yoenis Cespedes, the star center fielder acquired by General Manager Sandy Alderson in a late-July trade, left in the second inning with a sore left shoulder.

“They didn’t think there was any damage,” Manager Terry Collins said. “They thought an injection would calm it down in a day.”

“We thought in spring training we’d have a chance to win, we really did,” Collins said. “But the injuries started to pile up, and Sandy went out and got us some help. I salute the job he did, the guys he brought in, and I salute ownership for buying into it, saying, ‘We’re close.’ We may never be close again, you don’t know. They went out and got us some help, and here’s the result of it.”

WATCH: NLCS Game 4 Highlights: Mets Top Cubs 8-3

The New York Mets swept the Pennant

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Jeb Bush details his tax reform plan in a speech at Morris & Associates in Garner, N.C., Wednesday, Sept. 9, 2015. (AP Photo/Gerry Broome)

Jeb Bush has dropped into single digits in the polls — and that’s just among Republicans in his home state of Florida. What happened to the man with all the money, top name recognition and, according to last year’s political sages, a clear shot at his party’s presidential nomination?

The problem is all the money and how it may have clouded Bush’s political judgment. He seems to have assumed that the cash pile freed him from the chore of dealing with the party’s difficult grass-roots voters.

As part of this faulty thinking, he’s been awfully blatant about advertising his availability as the go-to man for business interests seeking favors from government. Such interactions often take on the air of corporate welfare, despised by many in the Republican base and lots of others.

His moderate position on immigration, no doubt heartfelt but also aimed at the general election voters, only further aggravated the hard right. It was another message to the generally older and white grass roots that he considered the nomination already in the bag.

But the biggest irony of how Bush swings the money bat is that he may have turned off some big-money donors, as well. Case in point is the apparent defection of Texas energy magnate T. Boone Pickens as a loyal benefactor, having penned him a check for $100,000 early on.

The back story: Pickens’ wind power company, Mesa Power, bid on huge energy contracts being granted by the province of Ontario. Pickens lost to NextEra, an energy giant domiciled in Florida. Pickens is now in international court charging Ontario with having fixed the process in NextEra’s favor. The court is expected to rule on the case shortly.

What does this have to do with Jeb Bush? NextEra, owner of Florida Light & Power, has been another bankroller of Bush campaigns. As Florida governor, Bush infamously called for an increase in the company’s electricity rates. To win support for the unpopular position, he held up the scary prospect of rolling blackouts and economic collapse if the state didn’t go along. A longtime NextEra executive subsequently became a limited partner in one of Bush’s private equity firms.

Pickens has begun to publicly throw support toward Carly Fiorina and Ben Carson. Perhaps he resents the Bush family’s divided affections. He recently chided brother George W. for calling Ted Cruz selfish.

“Hell, they’re all in it for themselves,” Pickens said. That’s the voice of one irritated man and also one who no longer sees a downside in alienating a Bush.

Here we have it, the political risk facing a politician with vast dynastic connections and so much campaign cash that he’s declared the prohibitive front-runner. It opens the temptation to give corporate donors the impression that they need him more than he needs them. (Cough up, or I won’t answer your call once I’m president.)

What about Donald Trump, who against logic continues to lead the Republican polls? Trump has a lot more money than Bush has. But Trump does the little people the honor of aiming his populist messages — both wise and ridiculous — directly to them. The big corporate donors are not on his team, his team comprising mainly himself. He doesn’t owe them. That’s the message.

Trump is probably as surprised as anyone that he’s gotten as far as he has — and the thought of actually being elected president may horrify him. His candidacy seemed intended mainly to build his brand.

In any case, the showman knows to go for the people’s love, whereas Bush seeks their allegiance. Love is something a candidate works for. Allegiance is extracted. Which would most of us prefer?

Former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, brother to

gowdy-clinton-emails

Rep. Trey Gowdy, R-S.C., the chairman of the House Select Committee on Benghazi, said he doesn’t trust Hillary Clinton and lawyers to delete private emails.

At long last, Hillary Clinton testifies on the 2012 terrorist attacks in Benghazi, Libya, and her emails as secretary of state. Here are some suggested questions.

Although these suggestions are based on the public record, we need to assume that the members of the House Benghazi Committee have seen far more than the public has. I have framed the questions in traditional cross-examination style, though I doubt that the politicians on the committee will have the self-discipline to adhere to it.

The theory of cross-examination — particularly of a high-profile, intelligent, belligerent or ruthless witness — is for the questioner to tell a story by asking questions that suggest answers that challenge the witness’s version of events or impeach the witness’s credibility. The questioner’s version of events must be based on credible evidence. In a courtroom, the questioner’s audience for his version of the events is the jury. In a congressional hearing, the audience is the American people.

I have publicly advised members of Congress that they should not ask any questions of Clinton; instead, they should have a prominent attorney who is her equal in intellect and knowledge of the law yet is a fierce, experienced cross-examiner do so. But the lure of TV cameras will probably cause the committee members to reject my advice. As well, some of the committee members are lawyers, and the committee’s chairman, Rep. Trey Gowdy, is a former federal prosecutor.

Anyway, here goes…

Mrs. Clinton, when you first became secretary of state, you were briefed on the proper use of emails, right? And you were informed of your obligation to preserve all governmental records that came into your possession and not destroy any of them, right? And you also were briefed on the proper handling of classified materials, weren’t you? In fact, Mrs. Clinton, you were presented with a written government oath that every federal employee who handles classified materials receives and must sign, correct? Isn’t it also true, Mrs. Clinton, that you never signed that oath?

Didn’t you pay a State Department employee — not an outside vendor — to install a private email server in your home in New York? And when you did that, you knew the practical effect of it would be to divert all your emails — governmental and personal — away from the government, right? And you used, did you not, that email system your employee in the State Department installed in your home as your exclusive email source during your tenure as secretary of state? And that email system was directly connected to the Internet, right?

Isn’t it true that you received and sent emails on your personal system that included satellite photos of foreign surveillance; intercepts of telephonic and email communications of foreign agents; travel plans of U.S. Ambassador to Libya Christopher Stevens, who was killed in the Benghazi attacks; and the true name of a CIA agent operating under deep cover in the Middle East?

Isn’t it true that you were probably too busy to read all the emails you received before storing them or sending them on to others? Isn’t it true that you treated all emails alike, whether they contained delicate or personal information or not?

Mrs. Clinton, haven’t you stated a few dozen times that you never sent or received emails marked “classified”? Now, Mrs. Clinton, you were the country’s chief diplomat for four years, right? Don’t you know that nothing is marked “classified” — that the national security markings are “confidential,” “secret” and “top secret”?

Mrs. Clinton, isn’t it true that you asked President Obama to let you hire your friend and colleague Sidney Blumenthal as a special assistant to you in the State Department? Isn’t it true that the president declined your request? Didn’t you then have your family’s foundation hire Mr. Blumenthal, and didn’t you then treat him as your assistant without telling the president?

Mrs. Clinton, didn’t you communicate with Mr. Blumenthal about political and national security matters on a regular and consistent and often-daily basis? Didn’t he provide you with confidential information from his own sources? Didn’t you pass confidential information on to him?

Mrs. Clinton, you knew that the war you were waging against Moammar Gadhafi was causing great instability in Libya, right? And you knew that instability had led to the need for private security firms to protect Libyans and Americans in Libya, correct? And didn’t you also know that your friend and confidant Mr. Blumenthal had a financial interest in one of those firms while he was advising you? You didn’t see anything illegal about an employee of your family’s foundation’s receiving secret data from you while he was advising you and trying to get business for his security firm in Libya, did you?

Mrs. Clinton, isn’t it true that you put the travel plans of Ambassador Stevens onto nongovernmental Internet venues? Isn’t it true that at the time you did that, he asked you for more security in Libya and you did not provide it? Mrs. Clinton, isn’t it true that to fight your secret war against the government of Gadhafi, you sent American arms into the hands of his opponents? And you did this without a congressional declaration of war, right?

Didn’t you know that many of Gadhafi’s opponents were al-Qaida operatives, who are America’s sworn enemies? Weren’t you reckless in getting arms to them? Didn’t you realize that you were arming the very people against whom your ambassador was seeking more protection?

Mrs. Clinton, do you know it is a felony to provide arms to terrorist organizations? Do you know that Ambassador Stevens was murdered by al-Qaida operatives using American arms and American bullets?

Mrs. Clinton, do you think anyone but the most hardened Democrats and your husband’s old friends could trust you in public office?

Judge Andrew Napolitano: At long last, Hillary

National and State Mortgage Risk Indices Update

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National and State Mortgage Risk Indices are tracked and released by AEI’s International Center on Housing Risk. (Photo: Reuters)

The composite National Mortgage Risk Index (NMRI) for Agency home purchase clocked in at 12.09% in September, up 0.8% once again on a year-over-year basis. The monthly composite gauge of the share of mortgage risk in the housing market has gained year-over-year in each month since January 2014.

According to Edward Pinto, a former executive vice president and chief credit officer for Fannie Mae, the continued migration of Agency loan originations from large banks to nonbanks in September and throughout the previous 12 months has accounted for much of the upward trend in the composite NMRI. Nonbank lending is substantially riskier than the large bank business it replaces.

“The cut in FHA’s annual insurance premium early this year has largely resulted in the purchase of higher priced homes, not increased accessibility,” said Pinto, now codirector of AEI’s International Center on Housing Risk. “This demonstrates once again how affordable housing policies tend not to increase affordability, and in many cases reduce it.”

The NMRI results are based on nearly the universe of home purchase loans with a government guarantee. In September, data surveyed and composited by the NMRI included 298,000 such purchase loans, which is the second highest monthly total since the Center on Housing Risk began tracking. With the addition of these loans, the total number of loans that have been risk rated in the NMRI since November 2012 has increased substantially to over 7.3 million.

Other notable takeaways from the September NMRI include the following:

• The spring/early summer homebuying season continued to be strong, buoyed by robust first-time buyer volume driven by an improving job market and increasing leverage. About 155,000 purchase loans for first-time buyers were added in September, up 20% from a year earlier, bringing the total in the NMRI to 3.3 million since April 2013.

• The NMRI for first-time buyers hit 15.47%, up 1.1 percentage points from a year earlier and well above the Repeat Primary Homebuyer NMRI of 9.65%.

• Fueled by historically low mortgage rates and high and growing leverage, a seller’s market has now prevailed for 36 straight months. As a result, real home prices rose 12.5 percent from the 2012:Q3 trough to 2015:Q2, far outstripping income growth and crimping affordability.

• Credit standards for first-time home buyers are not tight. In September, 70% had down payments less than or equal to 5%, 27% had DTIs greater than the QM limit of 43%, and the median FICO score was 708, a bit below the median for all individuals in the U.S.

• The cut in FHA’s annual insurance premium early this year boosted its market share to 29.3% in September from 22.9% in March, mainly at the expense of Fannie Mae and the Rural Housing Service.

“The typical first-time buyer today puts little money down and chooses a mortgage that pays off very slowly,” said Stephen Oliner, a senior fellow at UCLA’s Ziman Center for Real Estate and codirector of AEI’s International Center on Housing Risk. “This combination means that many first-time buyers are only one recession away from being significantly underwater.”

The NMRI was established by AEI’s International Center on Housing Risk as a new tool for measuring risk in housing and mortgage markets following the recent financial crisis, and the resulting devastation for millions of families. While other factors arguably contributed, the subprime mortgage crisis largely resulted from a failure to understand the build-up of risk in these markets.

The composite National Mortgage Risk Index (NMRI)

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President Barack Obama talks with Vice President Joe Biden, in the Oval Office, July 29, 2015. (Photo: White House/Pete Souza)

Vice President Joe Biden announced Wednesday that he will not run for the Democratic nomination, ending much speculation over his 2016 plans. Speaking in the Rose Garden with his wife Jill and President Obama on either side, Biden said the window of opportunity to mount “a winning campaign has closed.”

“I’ve concluded that the process (of grieving) has closed,” Biden said. “That’s where the Bidens are today. “Unfortunately I believe we’re out of time, the time necessary to mount a winning campaign for the nomination.”

The decision follows months of speculation over his 2016 plans, with pressure building on him from supporters as front-runner Hillary Clinton grappled with slipping poll numbers and a widening scandal over her email use in her capacity as secretary of state.

“I believe President Obama has led us from crisis to recovery and now we are on the cusp of a resurgence,” Biden said. “Democrats should not only defend this record, they should run on the record.”

Uncle Joe, or Middle Class Joe, as he acknowledged he is often referred to as in D.C., had a strong message for Hillary Clinton during his announcement.

“Republicans are our opposition, they’re not our enemy,” Biden said in a reference to Clinton’s debate comments in Las Vegas, Nevada.

While Biden had been running strong in the polls with Democrats looking for a viable alternative to Hillary, his past runs did not draw very much support. In the 1988 Democratic nomination race, he was sidelined by accusations that he plagiarized a speech by then-British Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock. Other accusations of plagiarism quickly surfaced and he soon withdrew from the race.

Biden also ran for the 2008 nomination, but failed to garner significant support and dropped out in January of 2008 before later being chosen as the vice presidential nominee by then-Sen. Barack Obama.

Further, aside from being a gaffe machine, Biden had a long and controversial record he would’ve had to defend. For instance, former Defense Secretary Robert Gates, who served under both President George W. Bush and Obama, said in his memoir that Biden was “wrong on nearly every major foreign policy and national security issue over the past four decades.”

Vice President Joe Biden announced Wednesday that

[brid video=”18481″ player=”1929″ title=”National League Championship Series (NLCS) Game 3 Highlights Mets at Cubs “]

Mets at Cubs National League Championship Series Game 3 Highlights: The New York Mets took a 5-2 win over the Chicago Cubs in NLCS Game 3 on Tuesday at Wrigley Field, giving them a 3-0 series lead and putting history on their side. Read Full Article: Mets Top Cubs 5-2 in NLCS Game 3, Putting History (and Irony) on Their Side

National League Championship Series Game 3 Highlights:

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New York Mets starting pitcher Jacob deGrom, who overcame a rocky first inning to move to 3-0 this October. (Photo: MLB)

The Mets took a 5-2 win over the Cubs in the National League Championship Series (NLCS) Game 3 on Tuesday at Wrigley Field to give them a 3-0 series lead. The New York ball club is now one victory away to their fifth National League pennant and their first World Series appearance since 2000.

“That clubhouse right now, that’s all they’re talking about is tomorrow,” Mets manager Terry Collins said after the game. “They know what they’re facing.”

In 34 scenarios, just one club has come back from a 3-0 deficit in a best-of-seven series. However, that club was none other than the 2004 Red Sox, which was headed up by none other than Cubs president of baseball operations, Theo Epstein. Further, the Mets had not beaten the Cubs all year and, until Game 3, they had not won at Wrigley since May 19, 2013.

Meanwhile, as was the case in National League Division Series Game 5, Mets starting pitcher Jacob deGrom struggled to find his mojo early in the game, giving up a homer to Kyle Schwarber during a 29-pitch first inning. However, he ended up averaging fewer than 12 pitches per inning for the rest of NLCS Game 3. While Jorge Soler solo homered with one out in the fourth, deGrom would go on to retire the final 11 batters he faced.

“Of course you think about those things, you think about the parallels, think about the fact that that happened against a New York team,” Cubs manager Joe Maddon said. “We think about all that stuff, but it’s up to us to go out and play and execute. I put all my stock in the fact that I know our guys are going to be ready to play tomorrow.”

The Mets will try to eliminate the Cubs in Game 4, which is on Wednesday at 7:30 p.m. ET (air time), 8 p.m. game time on TBS.

WATCH: NLCS Game 3 Highlights — Mets at Cubs

The Mets took a 5-2 win over

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Internal Revenue Service (IRS) headquarters building in Washington D.C. (Photo: AP)

More than two years ago, I cited some solid research from the Tax Foundation to debunk some misguided analysis from the New York Times about the taxation of multinational companies.

Well, it’s déjà vu all over again, as the late Yogi Berra might say. That’s because we once again find something in the New York Times that cries out for correction. Here’s some of what Patricia Cohen recently wrote about ostensibly generating lots of tax revenue by pillaging America’s top-1 percent taxpayers.

…what could a tax-the-rich plan actually achieve? As it turns out, quite a lot…the government could raise large amounts of revenue exclusively from this small group, while still allowing them to take home a majority of their income.

Oh, how generous of her for deciding that the awful, evil rich people can keep perhaps keep 50.1 percent of what they earn. Sounds like she should join the other cranks advising Jeremy Corbyn in the United Kingdom.

But I’m getting distracted. Let’s focus on the more important topic, which is her claim that it’s easy to generate a lot of tax revenue by soaking the rich.

The top 1 percent on average already pay roughly a third of their incomes to the federal government, according to a Treasury Department analysishow much more revenue could be generated by asking the rich to pay a larger share of their income in taxes?

Interestingly, Ms. Cohen shares some data showing that the rich already are paying far higher tax rates than the rest of us. Here’s the table that accompanied her article.

higher incomes, higher taxes new york times

Normal people would look at those numbers, or at similar data produced by the IRS, and conclude that we’re already selectively over-penalizing upper-income taxpayers.

But statists see income in the private sector as belonging to the state, so there’s no such thing as too much money for government.

And Ms. Cohen seems to have this attitude. She engages in some simplistic calculations to estimate how much loot could be seized.

Raising their total tax burden to, say, 40 percent would generate about $157 billion in revenue the first year. Increasing it to 45 percent brings in a whopping $276 billion. Move a rung down the ladder and expand the contribution of those in the 95th to 99th percentile — who earn on average $405,000. Raising their total tax rate to 30 percent from a quarter of their total yearly income would generate an additional $86 billion. …A 35 percent share produces $176 billion.

Gee, how easy, at least on paper. If the politicians can figure out how to raise average tax rates to 45 percent for the rich (and 35 percent for the upper-middle class), then they get about $450 billion of additional tax revenue every year.

And you can buy a lot of votes with that much of other people’s money.

But sometimes things that are simple on paper are not so simple in reality.

It turns out that raising someone’s average tax rate (total tax payments/total income) requires some very big (and very bad) decisions on marginal tax rates (tax paid on the last dollar of income/last dollar of income).

Scott Greenberg of the Tax Foundation does that heavy lifting and his analysismakes mincemeat out of Ms. Cohen’s argument.

…how exactly would Congress go about raising the effective tax rate of the 1% from 33.4 percent to 45 percent? The article is not specific about this point. In fact, the article acknowledges that it is “sidestepping… the messy question of just which taxes would be increased.” This is irresponsible policy analysis… When one examines exactly which taxes would have to be increased to raise the effective tax rate of the 1% from 33.4 percent to 45 percent, the endeavor begins to appear much more difficult than the New York Times portrays.

For instance.

…the top tax bracket on ordinary income is 39.6%. How high would Congress have to raise this rate, in order to raise the effective tax rate of the 1% to 45 percent? According to our estimates, Congress would have to raise the top rate on ordinary income to 74 percent, in order to raise the effective rate of the 1% from 33.4 percent to 45 percent.What if Congress decided to increase, not only the top rate on ordinary income, but also the top rate on capital gains and dividends? …According to our estimates, Congress would have to raise the top rate on ordinary income, capital gains, and dividends to 56 percent, in order to increase the effective rate of the 1% to 45 percent.

In other words, if you target the rich with higher income tax rates, you’d have to have a rate higher than the confiscatory structure that existed before any of the Reagan tax cuts.

Or you could boost the top rate “only” to 56 percent, but only by also dramatically increasing the double taxation of dividends and capital gains.

And that might not be very smart, at least if you care about economic performance. Scott explains.

The high rates that would need to be in place to tax the 1% at a 45 percent effective rate would almost certainly have negative economic consequences. According to our Taxes and Growth model, raising the top rate on ordinary income to 74 percent would shrink the size of the U.S. economy by 3.5 percent in the long run, by discouraging labor and pass-through business. While this tax increase would raise $3.49 trillion over 10 years under conventional scoring, after taking its economic effects into account, it would only raise $2.37 trillion. This is a significantly smaller figure than that cited by the New York Times. Furthermore, raising the top rate on ordinary income, capital gains, and dividends to 56 percent would lead to an even larger decline in GDP, of 4.9 percent. This is because taxes on investment income are especially harmful to long-term economic growth. After taking economic effects into account, this proposal would only raise $1.96 trillion over 10 years.

So the politicians would still have some extra revenue, but they would destroy several dollars of private economic activity for every one dollar of revenue they would collect.

In what world would that be a good trade?

Oh, and by the way, those revenue estimates overstate how much money the politicians would collect. In the real world, higher tax rates also would increase tax avoidance and tax evasion.

…none of these figures take into account the effects of increased tax evasion and profit shifting by wealthy Americans that would surely occur in response to such high rates. After all, when taxes rise, taxpayers have more incentives to avoid them. And it is well-documented that, when rates on capital gains rise, shareholders simply defer their realizations, making it difficult to raise much revenue from tax increases on capital gains income.

So here’s the bottom line.

…the New York Times claims that the federal government could raise large amounts of revenue by taxing the rich just a little bit more. In fact, taxes on the rich would have to go up enormously in order to bring in the sorts of revenue figures cited by the article. The negative economic effects of these tax increases would then reduce these revenues considerably.

I’d like to think Scott’s analysis will change minds and cause statists to reassess their desire to impose high tax rates. But I’m not overly hopeful. Let’s not forget that some of these people aren’t particularly interested in generating more revenue for politicians. Their real motive is hate and envy.

P.S. Let’s hope American statists never learn about Francois Hollande’s flat tax.

P.P.S. Speaking of which, here are some amusing cartoons about class-warfare tax policy.

CATO economist Dan Mitchell schools the New

Democratic Presidential Candidates Hold First Debate In Las Vegas

LAS VEGAS, NV – OCTOBER 13: Democratic presidential candidates Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) (L) and Hillary Clinton take part in a presidential debate sponsored by CNN and Facebook at Wynn Las Vegas on October 13, 2015 in Las Vegas, Nevada. Five Democratic presidential candidates are participating in the party’s first presidential debate. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

At the recent televised debate among candidates for the Democrats’ nomination for president, Hillary Clinton declared that “the wealthy pay too little” in taxes and “the middle class pays too much.”

Some people might wish to argue about whether that is true or not, but no rational argument can be made on either side of this issue, because the words used are completely undefined. Nor is Hillary Clinton the only one who talks this way.

It is one of the many signs of the mindlessness of our times that all sorts of people declare that “the rich” are not paying their “fair share” in taxes, without telling us concretely what they mean by either “the rich” or “fair share.”

Whether in politics or in the media, words are increasingly used, not to convey facts or even allegations of facts, but simply to arouse emotions. Undefined words are a big handicap in logic, but they are a big plus in politics, where the goal is not clarity but victory — and the votes of gullible people count just as much as the votes of people who have common sense.

What a “fair share” of taxes means in practice is simply “more.” No matter how high the tax rate is on people with a given income, you can always raise the tax rate further by saying that they are still not paying their “fair share.”

Advocates of higher tax rates can get very specific when they want to. A recent article in the New York Times says that raising the tax rate on the top one percent of income earners to 40 percent would generate “about $157 billion” a year in additional tax revenue for the government.

This ignores mountains of evidence, going back for generations, showing that raising tax rates does not automatically mean raising tax revenues — and has often actually led to falling tax revenues. A fantasy expressed in numbers is still a fantasy.

When the state of Maryland raised its tax rate on people with incomes of a million dollars a year or more, the number of such people living in Maryland fell from nearly 8,000 to fewer than 6,000. Although it had been projected that the tax revenue collected from such people in Maryland would rise by $106 million, instead these revenues FELL by $257 million.

There was a similar reaction in Oregon and in Britain. Rich people do not simply stand still to be sheared like sheep. They can either send their money somewhere else or they can leave themselves.

Currently, there are trillions of dollars of American money creating jobs overseas, in places where tax rates are lower. It is easy to transfer money electronically from country to country. But it is not nearly so easy for unemployed American workers to transfer themselves to where the jobs have been driven by high tax rates.

Conversely, there have been some reductions in high tax rates that brought in more tax revenues at the lower rates. This happened as far back as the Coolidge administration in the 1920s. It also happened in the Kennedy administration in the 1960s, the Reagan administration in the 1980s and most recently in the Bush 43 administration. There was a similar reaction in Iceland.

There is nothing inevitable about either a higher or a lower amount of tax revenues, whether the tax rate is raised or lowered. The government can only set tax rates. How that will affect the tax revenues actually received depends on how people react, and you can know that only after the fact. Sophisticated projections have often been laughably wrong.

Contrary to the way some people on the left conceive of the world, neither rich people nor poor people are inert blocks of wood, to be moved about like pieces on a chess board, to carry out some grand design from on high.

Even outright confiscations of people’s wealth, including whole industries in some countries, have failed to spread prosperity, and have even led to collapsing economies.

But politics is not about what happened in the past. That is left for historians. What politicians are interested in is what they can get the public to believe in the present and to vote on in the future. Plans to “soak the rich,” who are not paying their “fair share,” have worked politically, time and time again — and may well work yet again in the 2016 elections.

What politicians are interested in is what

Scott-Walker-Chamber

FILE – In this Sept. 10, 2015 file photo, Republican presidential candidate, Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker speaks in Eureka, Ill. (AP Photo/Seth Perlman, File)

In a democracy, citizens must be able to criticize their leaders. It’s a reason America’s founders put free speech in the Bill of Rights. I assumed that right is safe in the United States. So I was shocked to learn what happened in Wisconsin.

Before dawn, Deborah Jordahl was awakened by the sound of cops banging on her front door. She rushed downstairs before police used their battering ram to break the door down. The officers then said her household was under criminal investigation.

They ordered Deborah and her son Adam to step aside while they took her family’s computers, cellphones and files. They also told her, don’t talk to anyone about this investigation! If you do, you may be jailed!

They wouldn’t tell her why.

School buses drove by. Neighbors wondered what was going on at the Jordahl house.

Deborah’s son told me, “People came up to me at school and said, ‘Hey, what happened at your house this morning?'” He couldn’t legally answer.

No one in the family was allowed to explain that Deborah works as a political consultant, that she supported Gov. Scott Walker and limited government. Now, political incumbents who like big government were investigating her for possible violation of Wisconsin’s campaign finance rules.

Modern campaign rules are so complex no one is certain what is legal. Yet one misstep is enough to get accused not just of bad political arguments, but also of “collusion” and racketeering. Raise money for a cause you believe in and get close to politicians you favor, and you may be accused of funneling illicit money to their campaigns.

In Wisconsin, prosecutors may also impose what’s called the “John Doe” rule: Don’t tell anyone that you’re being investigated, not even your kids, your spouse and definitely not the media.

Prosecutors claim secrecy is needed to “protect privacy” of people under investigation — if charges are dropped, no one need know that you had been accused. But in truth, says Eric O’Keefe, another limited-government activist who Wisconsin prosecutors investigated, “This is about shutting us up. That’s all it is. It is a speech suppression play.”

It’s also a way for political insiders to punish their opponents. O’Keefe is a Republican, and the lead prosecutor, Milwaukee District Attorney John Chisholm, is a Democrat, but two Republican insiders signed off on the raids, too. “I take cold comfort in having my constitutional rights trampled by both parties,” says O’Keefe.
We who support smaller government expect retaliation from incumbent politicians. But children shouldn’t be punished. Sixteen year-old Noah Johnson was home alone when cops banged on his family’s door at dawn. His parents left early that morning.

Noah was scared because he had no idea what was going on. “I’m looking around outside. There are flashlights everywhere.”

He wanted to call his parents, which sounds responsible, but, “They didn’t let me call anyone — I was not able to call a lawyer.”

Hours later, they allowed him to leave for school, but again warned him not to tell anyone about the police!

“I was two hours late for school,” he told me, but “there’s no way you can explain it to anyone.” When his teacher asked why he was late, all he could say was, “I cannot say.”
Every John Doe suspect had to live the nightmare of knowing that the state was investigating them or their family members but that they were forbidden by the government to say what the family had done that might be forbidden by the government.

This forced silence lasted five years, until Wisconsin’s Supreme Court finally ordered the Joe Doe investigations stopped, saying prosecutors used “theories of law that do not exist.”

But political incumbents didn’t have to win convictions to achieve what I assume was one of their goals: silencing opponents during political campaigns.

We like to think speech is free, but when government can investigate you for possibly violating countless little rules, and then order you to shut up, it censors without the public even knowing.

Campaign finance rules — and the political incumbents and prosecutor-bullies who manipulate them — are a major threat to our freedom.

In a democracy, citizens must be able

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