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marco-rubio-cpac-2015

Sen. Marco Rubio, R-FL, talked immigration at CPAC 2015 with Sean Hannity in National Harbor, Maryland.

Likely 2016 presidential contender Sen. Marco Rubio, R-FL, tried to squash fears in conservative circles over his past position on immigration reform. Rubio, who was part of the Senate “Gang of Eight” immigration reform bill, said he has learned his lesson and now understands the GOP cannot agree to a comprehensive solution until the border is secure.

The Florida senator is one of many potential presidential hopefuls who spoke last week at the Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor, Maryland. As with other CPAC 2015 speakers, Rubio sat down with Sean Hannity to answer questions on immigration, and a host of other issues.

SEAN HANNITY: Let me ask you about immigration, you went forward with your immigration proposal and at the end of the day you said it didn’t work, I tried and it is not going to work. Last time i interviewed you on radio about it you said you regretted going forward but you learned from the process of making a mistake.

SEN. MARCO RUBIO: Well it wasn’t very popular, I don’t know if you know that from some of the folks here, but it is a serious problem. It has to be confronted, this is why it is serious.

Number one, we don’t have the mechanisms in place to enforce our immigration laws, we don’t have an e-verify system, 40 percent of illegal immigrants come legally and overstay visa, we don’t know who they are. We have to put that in place…

It needs fencing, patrols, it needs more — that stuff has to get done. We also have a legal immigration system that is the most generous in the world — a million people per year come to this country annually, not other country comes close to that, but it is all based on whether or not you have a family member, it can not continue to be based on family alone — but merit or some kind of economic contribution.

Likely 2016 presidential contender Sen. Marco Rubio,

national-debt-capitol-hill

US national debt piles up next to the Capitol Building in Washington, D.C., where no one has the political courage to rise to the challenge of staving off the coming crisis.

Back in 2012, I shared some superb analysis from Investor’s Business Daily showing that the United States never would have suffered $1 trillion-plus deficits during Obama’s first term if lawmakers had simply exercised a modest bit of spending restraint beginning back in 1998.

And the IBD research didn’t assume anything onerous. Indeed, the author specifically showed what would have happened if spending grew by an average of 3.3 percent, equal to the combined growth of inflation plus population.

Remarkably, we would now have a budget surplus of about $300 billion if that level of spending restraint continued to the current fiscal year.

This is a great argument for some sort of spending cap, such as the Swiss Debt Brake or Colorado’s Taxpayer Bill of Rights.

But let’s look beyond the headlines to understand precisely why a spending cap is so valuable.

If you look at the IBD chart, you’ll notice that revenues are not very stable. This is because they are very dependent on the economy’s performance. During years of good growth, revenues tend to rise very rapidly. But when there’s a downturn, such as we had at the beginning and end of last decade, revenues tend to fall.

But you don’t have to believe me or IBD. Just look at federal tax revenues over the past 30 years. There have been seven years during which nominal tax revenues have increased by more than 10 percent. But there also have been five years during which nominal tax revenue declined.

This instability means that it doesn’t make much sense to focus on a balanced budget rule. All that means is that politicians can splurge during the growth years. But when there’s a downturn, they’re in a position where they have to cut spending or (as we see far too often) raise taxes.

But if there’s a spending cap, then there is a constraint on the behavior of politicians. And assuming the spending cap is set at a proper level, it means that – over time – there will be shrinking levels of red ink because the burden of government spending will grow by less than the average growth rate of the private economy.

In other words, compliance with my Golden Rule!

Let’s look at other examples.

Why did Greece get in fiscal trouble? The long answer has to do with ever-growing government and ever-increasing dependency. But the short answer, at least in part, is that a growing economy last decade generated plenty of tax revenue, but rather than cut taxes and/or pay down debt, Greek politicians went on a spending binge, which then proved to be unsustainable when there was an economic slowdown.*

This is also why California periodically gets in fiscal trouble. During years when the economy is growing and generating tax revenue, the politicians can’t resist the temptation to spend the money, oftentimes creating long-run spending obligations based on the assumption of perpetually rapid revenue growth. These spending commitments then prove to be unaffordable when there’s a downturn and revenues stop growing.

And as you can see from the accompanying graph, this creates a very unstable fiscal situation for the Golden State. Revenue spikes lead to spending spikes. During a downturn, by contrast, revenues are flat or declining, and this puts politicians in a position of either enacting serious spending restraint or (as you might predict with California) imposing anti-growth tax hikes.

And, in the long run, the burden of spending rises faster than the private sector.

We have another example to add to our list, thanks to some superb research from Canada’s Fraser Institute.

They recently released a study examining fiscal policy in the energy-rich province of Alberta. In particular, the authors (Mark Milke and Milagros Palacios) look at the rapid growth of spending between the fiscal years 2004/05 and 2013/14.

By the mid-2000s, even though the province was again spending at a level that contributed to deficits in the early 1990s, after 2004/05 the province allowed program spending to escalate even further and beyond inflation and population growth. The result was that by 2013/14, the province spent $10,967 per person on government programs. That was $2,002 higher per person than in 2004/05.

Why did the burden of spending climb so quickly? The simple answer is that bigger government was enabled by tax revenue generated by a prospering energy industry.

Over a nine-year period, politicians spent money based on an assumption that high energy prices were permanent and that tax revenues would always be surging.

But now that energy prices have fallen, politicians are suddenly facing a fiscal shortfall. Simply stated, there’s no longer enough revenue for their spending promises.

This fiscal mess easily could have been avoided if the fecklessness of Alberta politicians had been constrained by some sort of spending cap.

The experts at the Fraser Institute explain how such a limit would have precluded today’s dismal situation.

Had the province increased program spending after 2004/05 but within population growth plus inflation, by 2013/14 the province would have spent $35.9 billion on programs. Instead, the province spent $43.9 billion, an $8 billion difference in that year alone. That $8 billion difference is significant. In recent interviews, Alberta Premier Jim Prentice has warned that the drop in oil prices has drained $7 billion from expected provincial government revenues. Thus, past decisions to ramp up program spending mean that additional provincial spending (beyond inflation and population growth) is at least as responsible for current budget gap as the decline in revenues.

And here’s a chart from the study showing how much money would have been saved with modest fiscal restraint.

Unfortunately, that’s not what happened. So now today’s politicians have to deal with a mess that is a consequence of profligate politicians during prior years.**

…the decision by the province to spend (on programs) above the combined effect of population growth and inflation between 2005/06 and 2013/14 inclusive built-in higher annual spending obligations, that, once revenues declined, would open up a fiscal gap in the province’s budget. As of 2013/14, the result of spending more on programs than inflation plus population growth combined would warrant meant program expenses were $8 billion higher in that year alone. The province’s past fiscal choices have now severely constricted present choices on everything from balanced budgets to tax relief to additional capital spending. If the province wishes to have a better menu of choices in the future, it must, obviously, control expenditures more carefully.

Since I’ve shared all sorts of bad examples of how nations get in trouble by letting spending grow too fast over time, let’s look at a real-world example of a spending cap in action.

As you can see from the chart, Switzerland has enjoyed great success ever since voters imposed the debt brake.

Indeed, while many other European nations are in fiscal crisis because of big increases in the burden of government spending, the Swiss have experienced economic tranquility in part because the size of the public sector has gradually declined.

The key lesson isn’t that spending restraint is good, though that obviously is important. The most important takeaway is that spending restraint appears to be sustainable only if there is some sort of permanent external constraint on politicians. Like the debt brake. Or like Article 107 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law.

Remember, there are many nations that have enjoyed good results because of multi-year periods of spending restraint. But many of those countries saw their gains evaporate because policies then moved in the wrong direction.

*Greek politicians also took advantage of low interest rates last decade (a result of joining the euro currency) to engage in plenty of debt-financed government spending, which meant the economy was even more vulnerable to a crisis when revenues stopped growing.

**Some of today’s politicians in Alberta are probably long-term incumbents who helped create the mess by over-spending between 2004/05 and today, so I wouldn’t be surprised if they opted for destructive tax hikes instead of long-overdue spending restraint.

P.S. On a totally separate topic, it appears some towns in New York are listening to the sage advice of Walter Williams on the topic of secession.

Here are some excerpts from an editorial published by the Wall Street Journal.

Some 15 towns have announced they want to secede from New York and become part of neighboring Pennsylvania. …The towns occupy four counties in New York State’s “Southern Tier,” just across the Pennsylvania state line. Pennsylvania allows fracking for natural gas… That part of Pennsylvania is booming. Upstate New York, as anyone who drives through it can attest, is an economic bummer. …Governor Cuomo has created an American version of the Cold War’s East Berlin—with economic life booming on one side of the divide, while an anti-economic ideology stifles it on the other.

Unfortunately, New York’s East Berliners will have to pick up and move if they want to benefit from better policy in the Keystone State.

There is no chance the secessionists will succeed, needing approval from the legislatures of New York, Pennsylvania and the U.S.

Another option, of course, is to decentralize decision-making so that local communities can decide policy rather than faraway politicians in a state capitol.

That’s the approach that perhaps would have averted the catastrophe we now see in Ukraine, so why not try it in places where the stakes are simply jobs rather than life and death?

CATO Institute senior fellow Daniel J. Mitchell

mark-levin-cpac-2015

Mark Levin speaks during the final day of the Conservative Political Action Conference Saturday on Feb. 28, 2015 in National Harbor, Maryland.

Opening on the final day of the Conservative Political Action Conference Saturday, conservative talk radio host Mark Levin put ideology over party. Levin, who hosts the third-most listened to radio program in the country, went after the “Republican Establishment,” calling out 2016 presidential hopeful Jeb Bush by name.

“We are here not because we’re Republicans,” Levin told the CPAC 2015 crowd (Watch Video Below). “In fact many of us are here in spite of that fact.”

Citing Republican standard-bearer President Ronald Reagan, he called on conservatives to reject “crony capitalism” and entitled establishment candidates from political dynasties.

“It’s time for a new Republican Party. Reagan was an outsider. In fact, Reagan was opposed by a prominent family that seeks to occupy the White House for a third time. The only dynasty I like is the Duck Dynasty.”

Slamming the “uninterrupted waves” of illegal immigration, and the narrative Republican establishment leaders have succumbed to, Levin called out the former governor of Florida by name.

“This has never been the American experience. Immigration is to be managed, limited, gradual to allow for assimilation and Americanization,” Levin said. “You see, Mr. Bush, we love our country, too.”

When Levin — and later fellow-conservative talk radio host Laura Ingraham — tore into the Bush family, the Bush’s name was booed by activists in the crowd. Bush’s appearance was met by a walkout after several rumors surfaced that he’d packed the conference and straw poll with supporters.

But CPAC 2015, which saw a record-breaking 11,344 in attendance, agreed overwhelmingly with Levin. The record-setting CPAC 2015 straw poll participation of 3007 respondents, a 20 percent increase from the year prior, was comprised of over 42 percent students all across the country. It not only marked the greatest number of youth voters to ever participate in the CPAC straw poll, but also a shift in the party’s demographic energy.

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, won the CPAC 2015 Straw Poll for the third consecutive year finishing with 26 percent of the vote, while Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker finished with a close 21 percent of the vote. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz came in third place, taking 12 percent of the vote. In total, the top 3 candidates ate up well over half (59 percent) of the participants’ support, and they are all fresh, younger faces of the Republican Party.

Mark Levin appears to be getting his wish, and unless the Republican Establishment has an ace in the hole to resist this change, it’s only a matter of time.

Watch Levin’s full speech below:

Opening on the final day of the

rand-paul-cpac-2015

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, delivers his speech to the crowd on the third day of the 2015 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC 2015) in National Harbor, Maryland.

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, won the CPAC 2015 Straw Poll for the third consecutive year finishing with 26 percent of the vote, while Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker finished with a close 21 percent of the vote.

The activists’ results are predictable, but it is a new phenomena. In 41 years, CPAC has picked the next president only three times, all of which were in recent cycles. CPAC 2015 saw a record-breaking 11,344 in attendance, with the straw poll results coming from 3007 participants, a 20 percent increase from the year prior. The poll was comprised of over 42 percent students all across the country, marking the greatest number of youth voters to ever participate in the CPAC straw poll.

When Kelly Ann Conway, the head of the polling company that conducts the CPAC straw poll, announced Jeb Bush in 5th place with 8 percent of the vote, the crowd loudly booed. To be fair, while activists cried that Bush packed the room, or stacked the deck, the truth of the matter is that he outperformed during his session with conservative talk show and FOX News host Sean Hannity, who ran all potential candidates through the ringer, far better than anyone anticipated (more on that to come on PPD, so subscribe).

ACU head Matt Schlapp quickly moved the conversation along to thanking the staff that conducted the event. Dr. Ben Carson took 4th place with 11 percent of the vote.

In third place, Sen. Ted Cruz, who argued action speaks louder than words, took 12 percent of the vote.

Democratic strategists who spoke to PPD earlier were extremely concerned that another Paul win, particularly with Walker on his heels, would give the perception that the Democratic candidate (Hillary Clinton), was a voice from the past and not the future.

New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, once consider a top-tier candidate and polled ahead of Hillary Clinton, finished last with only 2.8 percent of the vote.

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, won the CPAC

state-of-the-union-2015-ap

President Obama gives his sixth State of the Union speech on January 20, 2015. (Photo: AP)

What does World War I have to do with Obamanomics?

There’s no real connection, of course, but it did give me an opportunity to present a good analogy. At a conference in London last week, I was discussing with some folks the state of the American economy and the role of public policy.

I was trying to explain what’s happened in the past few years, describing the avalanche of bad policy last decade, culminating with the faux stimulus in 2009 and the enactment of ObamaCare in 2010.

I then said that Obama’s efforts to impose further statism have been largely stymied, particularly after the Tea Party election of 2010. There have been lots of skirmishes in recent years, to be sure, with Obama winning a few (such as the recent imposition of “net neutrality” regulations on the Internet) but also losing a few (such as spending restraint caused by policies like the sequester).

But the fact that Obama hasn’t been able to make additional “progress” is not really a victory. It’s simply a stalemate.

And that’s where the World War I analogy fits. As I was trying to get across my point, it occurred to me that it’s vaguely like World War I.

When the war started, the Germans gained considerable ground, overrunning much of Belgium and a lot of territory in northwestern France. That’s akin to Obama’s victories in 2009-2010.

But then the period of trench warfare began and neither side made much progress. And that’s a good description of what’s been happening in recent years in Washington.

This is a good news-bad news situation. To continue with my analogy, the good news is that Obama isn’t conquering more territory. The bad news is that we aren’t pushing Obama back into Germany and reclaiming territory.

And so long as we’re in this stalemate, it’s unlikely that we’ll enjoy robust economic growth. And that’s our topic for today.

In my actual speech, I dusted off my charts based on Minneapolis Fed data, and updated them to compare today’s weak recovery with what’s happened during previous business cycles. And I specifically focused on a comparison of the very strong growth of the Reagan years with the lackluster growth of the Obama years.

But it’s a pity that my speech wasn’t one week later, because I’ve just seen some really good contributions on the same topic from economists Robert Higgs and John Taylor.

Writing for the Independent Institute, Higgs looks at what’s been happening with a key measure of our prosperity.

Arguably the best single, currently available measure of the entire public’s payoff from economic activity is real disposable income per capita. This is the average amount per annum that Americans receive in exchange for the use of their labor and other input services, after taxes, corrected for changes in the purchasing power of the dollar. …this measure of economic well-being has scarcely increased at all since 2007.

Higgs also prepared a table to make it easier to compare performance of this important variable during various business cycles.

As you can see, the current “recovery” has been dismal compared to previous periods.

And here’s his analysis of why we’re suffering from sub-par growth.

These figures demonstrate that even though the rate of increase has varied substantially in the past, it has never remained so low as it has been in recent years. Even during the decade of so-called stagflation from the early 1970s to the early 1980s, real disposable income per capita grew more than twice as fast as it has grown in the past seven years. In the past, recessions were always followed by relatively brisk growth during the first several years of the ensuing recovery. Such has not been the case this time. Nor do forecasters anticipate any such surge of growth in the future. Might it be that the state’s burdens loaded onto the private producers of wealth—taxes, regulations, uncertainties, intrusions of all sorts, including demands for elaborate reports, asset seizures, and threats of felony prosecution for completely innocent and harmless actions—have finally become the “last straw” for these long-suffering camels? …the current situation is clear enough. The U.S. economy, though not yet completely stagnant, has made little headway for more than seven years, and there is little reason to foresee any great change in this regard.

Returning to my analogy, Higgs is basically saying that we’ll be mired in trench warfare for the foreseeable future.

Not exactly a rosy projection.

Now let’s look at the analysis of Professor John Taylor of Stanford University. He starts by walking through a timeline of the current “recovery.”

At the time of the first anniversary of current recovery in 2010, it showed clear signs of weakness compared to the recovery from the recessions in the early 1980s and from all other deep recessions in American history.  …By the recovery’s second anniversary in 2011, it was weak for long enough that I called it “a recovery in name only, so weak as to be nonexistent.” …By the recovery’s third anniversary in 2012, it was now the worst recovery from a deep recession in American history. …By the recovery’s fourth anniversary in 2013, few disputed any more that it was unusually weak and disappointing.  …By the recovery’s fifth anniversary, we were so far away from the recession that linking the terrible performance to the recession became increasing far-fetched.

Professor Taylor has a couple of charts of his own that bolster his argument.

Here’s a comparison of quarterly growth during the Obama recovery and Reagan recovery.

If you’re keeping score, Reagan’s economy out-performed Obama’s economy (often by a very wide margin) in 19 out of 22 quarters.

If this was a boxing match, it would have been stopped long ago.

Taylor also looks at the performance of the labor market during the Obama recovery and Reagan recovery.

Once again, there’s no comparison. During the Reagan years more people were working and adding to the productive capacity of the nation.

During the Obama years, by contrast, the most optimistic assessment is that we’re treading water.

Here’s more of his analysis about the ongoing stagnation.

With the recovery now approaching its sixth anniversary, there is more optimism that we are finally coming out the excruciating slow growth. There is also some wishful thinking that the drop of people out of the labor force—which has made the unemployment rate come down—is due to demographic factors not the slow growth itself. And we are not as bad as Europe. But as these charts show there is still not much in this recovery to write home about. Growth over the four quarters of 2014 looks to average only 2.2% compared with 4.4% in the corresponding quarters of the 1980s recovery. And as of January 2015 the employment-to-population ratio is still lower than at the start of the recovery.

So what’s the bottom line?

To be blunt, you can’t make America more like Europe and then be surprised that our economy isn’t firing on all cylinders.

Returning to our analogy, we need to defeat the enemy of statism and reclaim our lost territory.

But that won’t happen until 2017 at the earliest. And it’s possible it will never happen, particularly if we don’t implement genuine entitlement reform.

P.S. The bad news is that we’re becoming more like Europe. The good news is that we’re not there yet. Our overall burden of government has expanded, but we still have considerably more economic liberty than the average European nation. And that helps to explain why our recovery (even though anemic by American standards) is far more impressive than what’s been happening across the Atlantic.

P.P.S. Based on insightful analysis from Thomas Sowell, John Mackey, and Ronald Reagan, it may have been more accurate (albeit snarky and inappropriate) to have used a World War II example, with Obama’s first two years being akin to the Nazi blitzkrieg and the conquest of France, and recent years being akin to the period between the Battle of Britain and D-Day.

What does World War I have to

Boris-Nemtsov

Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov attends a rally against the war in Ukraine September 21, 2014 in Moscow, Russia. Thosands people gathered to protest against Vladimir Putin’s policy and against the war with Ukraine in Donetsk and Lugansk regions. (Photo: Sasha Mordovets/Getty)

MOSCOW (AP) — Boris Nemtsov, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s top political opposition leader was murdered Saturday near the Kremlin just one day ahead of a protest planned against Putin’s tyrannical rule. The death of Nemtsov, a 55-year-old former deputy prime minister comes just one week after he told the Russian magazine Sobesednik he feared for his life.

“I’m scared that Putin will kill me.”

Amid a fury among political opposition groups and figures blaming the Kremlin for creating an atmosphere of intolerance for political dissent, Putin quickly released a statement offering his condolences and vowed to bring those responsible to justice.

“Please accept my deepest condolences on the irreparable loss. I sincerely share the grief has befallen you,” Putin said in the statement. “Boris Nemtsov left his mark on the history of Russia, in politics and public life. He dropped out to work on important positions in the difficult transition period for our country. He always openly and honestly stated his position, defended his point of view. We will do everything to make sure the organizers and executors of this vile and cynical murder are punished.”

Putin ordered Russia’s law enforcement chiefs to oversee the probe, and Russian officials said the Russian president suspects a professional “contract hit” was responsible, though political opponents point to him.

“Putin noted that this cruel murder has all the makings of a contract hit and is extremely provocative,” presidential spokesman Dmitry Peskov.

But opposition leaders aren’t buying what the Kremlin is selling. Mikhail Kasyanov, a former Russian prime minister now also in opposition, was furious with the murder that occured on a rainy and cold night, so close to the Kremlin the bells could be hear chiming.

“In the 21st century, a leader of the opposition is being demonstratively shot just outside the walls of the Kremlin!” Kasyanov told reporters as Nemtsov’s body was placed in a plastic bag and removed. “The country is roiling into the abyss.”

The Russian Interior Ministry, which oversees Russia’s police force, said that Nemtsov was killed by four shots in the back from a passing car as he was walking over a bridge just outside the Kremlin shortly after midnight.

Interior Ministry spokeswoman Yelena Alexeyeva told reporters that Nemtsov was walking with a female acquaintance, a Ukrainian citizen, when a vehicle occupied by unidentified assailants drove up and the occupants shot him dead. The woman wasn’t hurt, confirming it was in fact a targeted hit.

The news agency reported the white vehicle, a Ford Focus or Ford Mondeo, was recorded heading toward the bridge where the killing occurred. Law enforcement officials were reportedly searching for the car in the city.

Nemtsov outspokenly slammed the government’s rampant corruption, the Kremlin’s ineffectiveness and its Ukraine policy, which has strained relations between Russia and the West to a degree unseen since Cold War times.

Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko said on Facebook that he was shocked by the killing of Nemtsov, who he called a friend and a “bridge” between the two countries.

“He was going after every wrongdoing, revealing the truth about Putin’s billions and stealing money. He didn’t give them a chance just to forget about their crimes, and they silenced him,” Garry Kasparov, the chairman of the Human Rights Foundation told BuzzFeed. “The man’s shot in cold blood intentionally in the back. This is not about robbery. It’s the next stage,” he added. “There’s no good reason to kill him except for the fact that the regime wanted him out.”

Meanwhile, the White House released a statement condemning “the brutal murder of Boris Nemtsov,” and called “upon the Russian government to conduct a prompt, impartial, and transparent investigation into the circumstances of his murder and ensure that those responsible for this vicious killing are brought to justice.”

President Obama said “Nemtsov was a tireless advocate for his country,” who tried to afford his fellow Russian citizens the rights “to which all people are entitled.”

“I admired Nemtsov’s courageous dedication to the struggle against corruption in Russia and appreciated his willingness to share his candid views with me when we met in Moscow in 2009,” Obama said in a statement. “We offer our sincere condolences to Boris Efimovich’s family, and to the Russian people, who have lost one of the most dedicated and eloquent defenders of their rights.”

Kasparov, a former chess champion, worked with Nemtsov to organize protests against Putin and now lives in the United States.

“The tragic irony is that he didn’t want to see another revolution,” Kasparov added. “I was more radical — I kept telling him, ‘It’s all useless, elections, all the little things,’ this regime will not be changed through the ballot. There will be blood.”

Nemtsov’s lawyer confirmed he had received threats on social networks and told police about them, but authorities didn’t take any steps to protect him. Despite what many opposition leaders see as a preventable tragedy, they say the planned anti-Putin, anti-Kremlin protest will proceed.

Boris Nemtsov, Russian President Vladimir Putin's top

rand-paul-cpac-2015

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, delivers his speech to the crowd on the third day of the 2015 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC 2015) in National Harbor, Maryland.

WATCH VIDEO BELOW: Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, a near-certain 2016 presidential candidate, cautioned against foreign intervention Friday at CPAC 2015 in National Harbor, Maryland.

“At home, conservatives understand that the government is the problem, not the solution,” Paul said at the Conservative Political Action Conference. “But as conservatives we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad. That a government that can’t even deliver the mail will somehow be able to create nations abroad.”

Sen. Paul also noted that the president’s proposed intervention in Syria, which many Republicans supported, would have been an enormous mistake. Though President Obama notoriously backed down from his self-imposed “red line” after Syrian President Bashar al-Assad deployed chemical weapons against the rebels, a U.S. intervention would have directly and indirectly helped ISIS, who now controls vast swathes of territory in Iraq and Syria.

“In the Middle East a dangerous and barbaric cult has risen. ISIS has become a threat to our embassy in Baghdad and our consulate in Erbil,” Paul said. “ISIS, though, grew in a safe haven created by arming Islamic rebels in the Syrian civil war. When I voted against arming the Islamic rebels in Syria I warned that these arms might end up in the hands of jihadists and that one day we might be forced to go back to fight against our own weapons. Within a year that prediction came true.”

While Paul argued that the U.S. and allies must confront ISIS, otherwise known as the Islamic State, he said it must be done with caution and Arab armies.

“Without question we must now defend ourselves and American interests from this barbarous aberration,” Paul added. “But it troubles me that we must now fight against our own weapons. We need a national defense robust enough to defend against all attacks, modern enough to deter all enemies and nimble enough to defend our vital interests. But we also need a foreign policy that encourages stability, not chaos.”

The libertarian-leaning senator stayed rather true to his past political inclination in the face of growing support for U.S. ground troops in the Middle East to confront ISIS. He set forth a vision many pundits and potential 2016 rivals say cannot be reconciled with Paul’s past statements and positions.

“Without question we must be strong. Without question we must defend ourselves. I envision an America with a national defense unparalleled, undefeatable and unencumbered by nation-building,” he added. “I envision a national defense that promotes, as Reagan put it, peace through strength. We must realize though that we do not project strength by borrowing money from China to send it to Pakistan. It angers me to see mobs burning our flag and chanting ‘death to America’ to countries that receive our foreign aid. I say it it must end. I say not one penny more to these haters of America!”

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky, a near-certain 2016

art-laffer-laffer-curve

On the issue of so-called progressive taxation, our left-wing friends have conflicting goals. Some of them want to maximize tax revenue in order to finance ever-bigger government.

But others are much more motivated by a desire to punish success. They want high tax rates on the “rich” even if the government collects less revenue.

Some of them simply pretend there isn’t a conflict, as you might imagine. They childishly assert that the Laffer Curve doesn’t exist and that upper-income taxpayers are fiscal pinatas, capable of generating never-ending amounts of tax revenue.

But more rational leftists admit that the Laffer Curve is real. They may argue that the revenue-maximizing rate is up around 70 percent, which is grossly inconsistent with the evidence from the 1980s, but at least they understand that successful taxpayers can and do respond when tax rates increase.

So the question for grown-up leftists is simple: What’s the answer if they have to choose between collecting more revenue and punishing the rich with class-warfare taxation?

And here’s some new research looking at this tradeoff. Authored by economists from the University of Oslo in Norway, École polytechnique de Lausanne in France, and the University of Pennsylvania, they look at “Tax progressivity and the government’s ability to collect additional tax revenue.”

The recent massive expansion of public debt around the world during the Great Recession raises the question how much debt a government can maximally service by raising the level of taxes. Or, to phrase this classic public finance question differently, how much additional tax revenue can the government generate by increasing income taxes?

And since they’re part of the real world (unlike, say, the Joint Committee on Taxation or the Obama Administration), they recognize that higher tax rates impose costs on the economy that lead to feedback effects on tax revenue.

Our research (Holter et al. 2014) investigates how tax progressivity and household heterogeneity impacts the Laffer curve. We argue that a more progressive labour income tax schedule significantly reduces the maximal amount of tax revenues a government can raise…under progressive taxes heterogeneous workers will face different average and marginal tax rates. …the answer to our question is closely connected to the individual (and then properly aggregated) response of labour supply to taxes. The microeconometric literature, as surveyed e.g. by Keane (2011), has found that both the intensive and extensive margins of labour supply (the latter especially for women), life-cycle considerations, and human capital accumulation are important determinants of these individual responses. …households make a consumption–savings choice and decide on whether or not to participate in the labour market (the extensive margin), how many hours to work conditional on participation (the intensive margin), and thus how much labour market experience to accumulate (which in turn partially determines future earnings capacities).

The above passage has a bit of economic jargon, but it’s simply saying that taxpayers respond to incentives.

They also provide estimates of tax progressivity for various developed nations. They’re only looking at the personal income tax, so these numbers don’t include, for instance, the heavy burden of the value-added tax on low-income people in Europe.

The good news (at least relatively speaking) is that the American income tax is not as punitive as it is in many other nations.

But the key thing to consider, at least in the context of this new research, is the degree to which so-called progressivity comes with a high price.

Here is some additional analysis from their research.

Why does the degree of tax progressivity matter for the government’s ability to generate labour income tax revenues…? changes in tax progressivity typically affects hours worked…increasing tax progressivity induces differential income and substitution effects on the workers in different parts of the earnings distribution. …a more progressive tax system may disproportionately reduce labour supply for high earners and lead to a reduction in tax revenue. …more progressive taxes will reduce the incentives for young agents to accumulate labour market experience and become high (and thus more highly taxed) earners.

Now let’s look at some of the results.

Remarkably, they find that the best way of maximizing revenue is to minimize the economic damage of the tax system. And that means…drum roll, please…a flat tax.

For its current choice of progressivity (the green line), the US can sustain a debt burden of about 330% of its benchmark GDP, by increasing the average tax rate to about 42%. Thus, according to our findings the US is currently still nowhere close to its maximally sustainable debt levels…we also observe that larger public debt can be sustained with a less progressive tax system. Converting to a flat tax system (the black line) increases the maximum sustainable debt to more than 350% of benchmark GDP, whereas adopting Danish tax progressivity lowers it to less than 250% of benchmark GDP.

Here are a couple of charts from their study, both of which underscore that punitive tax rates are very counterproductive, assuming the goal is to either maximize revenue or to sustain a larger public sector.

Notice that if you want to punish “the rich” and impose Danish-type levels of progressivity (the dashed line), you’ll get less revenue and won’t be able to sustain as much debt.

Now let’s shift from discussing intellectual quandaries for the left and talk about challenges for believers in limited government.

We like a flat tax because it treats people equally and it raises revenue in a relatively non-destructive manner.

But because it is an “efficient” form of taxation, it’s also an “efficient” way to generate revenues to finance bigger government.

Indeed, this was one of the findings in a 1998 study by Professors Gary Becker and Casey Mulligan.

So does this mean that instead of supporting a flat tax, we should a loophole-riddled system based on high tax rates solely because that system will be so inefficient that it won’t generate revenue?

Of course not. At the risk of stating the obvious, this is why my work on fundamental tax reform is intertwined with my work on constitutional and legal mechanisms to limit the size and scope of government.

And it’s also why Obama’s class-warfare approach is so perversely destructive. If you think I’m exaggerating, watch this video – especially beginning about the 4:30 mark.

The left asserts that the Laffer

donald-trump-cpac-2015

Donald Trump, billionaire and potential 2016 presidential candidate, speaks Friday at CPAC 2015 in National Harbor, Maryland. (Photo: Getty)

WATCH VIDEO BELOW: Speaking Friday at CPAC 2015, billionaire and potential 2016 presidential candidate Donald Trump tried to put an end to criticisms that he is never really serious about running.

“A lot of people think I am doing this for fun. I am not doing this for fun,” Trump said at the Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor, Maryland. ” Washington is totally broken and it’s not going to get fixed unless we put the right person in that top position. It’s just not going to happen.”

Mr. Trump has flirted with running for president numerous times, including in 2012 before he ultimately threw his coveted endorsement behind inevitable nominee Mitt Romney. However, when push comes to shove, pageants and reality TV shows always consume the Don’s time.

Even though he has a long track record of generating media buzz and publicity each presidential election cycle — only to disappoint his fans in the end — Mr. Trump has never been quite as dismissive of the critics as he was Friday. His speech left many wondering if this cycle would be different.

Trump has been very vocal about Mitt Romney’s mistakes and over his brief consideration of whether to run for president for a third time in 2016. Romney has since backed out, a move that many say has paved the way for former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush.

That possibility doesn’t sit well with Donald Trump, who sources say believes he may be the best candidate to block another Bush from running for the presidency given the amount of resources he has available.

“The last thing this country needs is another Bush,” Trump said earlier in February. “We’ve had it with the Bushes, and the last Bush did not do a great job. He gave us Obama, he gave us—as you know—Justice [John] Roberts [of the Supreme Court] who approved Obamacare. He’s got a second shot at it but who knows what’s going to happen, it’s not as good as the first one. But he [George W. Bush] gave us Justice Roberts who approved Obamacare. We’re all saddled with Obamacare, the country is saddled with it. And it really kicks in in 2016. It’s going to be a disaster for the country.”

Speaking Friday at CPAC 2015, billionaire and

rick-perry-cpac-2015

Former Texas governor Rick Perry addresses the 2015 Conservative Political Action Conference. (H. Darr Beiser, USA TODAY)

Former Texas Gov. Rick Perry made his 2016 presidential case by slamming the Obama administration’s “incompetence” on foreign crises, citing the threat from the Islamic State and tensions in the Middle East.

“I’ve never been more certain that I am today that America’s best days remain in front of us,” Perry said. “The weakness and incompetence of our government shouldn’t be confused with the strength, the ingenuity and the idealism of the American people.”

Perry called President Obama’s policy on ISIS and Islamic terrorists “naive, dangerous and misguided.”

“We didn’t start this war, nor did we choose it, but we will have the will to finish it.”

Speaking Friday at the Conservative Political Action Conference, the former governor and 2012 presidential hopeful argued that the country was too strong to be “sidetracked” by “one confused administration.”

“Our experiment in a Republican form of government, it’s too durable to be sidetracked by one confused administration,” Perry added. “You think about it, we’ve survived worse. We had a Civil War in this country, we had two World Wars, we had a Great Depression. We even survived Jimmy Carter. We will survive the Obama years too.”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=suLuitd-Ksc

Former Texas Gov. Rick Perry made his

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